The Ethnic Phenomenon. New York: Praeger. Hatemi This chapter explains the why and the how of the methodology we used to explore this topic of polygyny. In short, the answers we discover are largely shaped by the kinds of questions we ask, and those questions are in turn formulated by the types of methods we employ to examine our issues of concern. We wanted to explicate this tradition in detail here to help illuminate why we examine the questions we do the way we do in subsequent chapters. Many of the early and important developments in political-attitude research and survey methodology emerged from work that incorporated theories and methods derived from clinical and developmental psychol- ogy.
We seek here not only to describe and display the importance of this earlier work, and the critical contributions these areas generated for the study of political behavior in general and public opin- ion research in particular, but also to explicitly encourage the reincor- poration of older models in developmental and clinical psychology into the study of political behavior. Although some recent investigations into the origins of political behaviors and preferences have begun to broaden by integrating new approaches from a variety of areas, including behav- ior genetics and cognitive neuroscience, with developmental and clinical models, many scholars remain unaware of the historical development or significance of these models and their relevance for the modern study of political attitudes, preferences, and behaviors.
These approaches are newly poised to provide useful models and insights to inform our under- standing of the nature of political behavior in more comprehensive and accurate ways. We begin by tracing the history of developmental and clinical models of psychology in the study of political behavior, highlighting the impor- tance of their contribution for the study of political behavior both his- torically and currently. Our goal here echoes the calls put forth by the National Institutes of Health for the interdisciplinary integration of fields in pursuit of novel resolutions to important social and political challenges, from public health to civic engagement.
Publically available data sets, including the Adolescent Health panel studies AddHealth , and funding mechanisms, such as OppNet, are designed to integrate the study of social systems and the nature of behavior. As such, they offer new opportunities for scholars to leverage historic clinical and developmental models to explore critical current political questions and problems. We begin by discussing some of the historical uses of developmental and clini- cal models in the study of political behavior and then proceed to discuss potential applications in each area independently.
Historical Developments In many ways, developmental and clinical approaches provided many of the original foundations for current models in political behavior and polit- ical psychology writ large. The Georges demonstrated how Wilson repeatedly handled pow- erful male authority figures with whom he came in conflict in a way that derived from his relationship with his father, illustrating the pattern with examples from the conflicts Wilson had with Dean West when he was pres- ident of Princeton University through his ultimately tragic fight with Sena- tor Henry Cabot Lodge over the League of Nations at the end of the First World War.
However, many of these leadership studies, largely restricted to more idiosyncratic case studies, faltered on the basis of their small sam- ple size and inability to replicate or generalize widely across individuals. As the field grew and developed, this limitation gave way to increased focus on models being developed from then-recent developments in social psychology. This theoretical move coincided with the behavioral revolu- tion in political science taking shape at places like the University of Chi- cago, with its greater emphasis on empirical rigor and replicability.
The incorporation of developmental psychology into the study of polit- ical behavior has a long history as well, although its current manifestation is often not recognized to derive from models in developmental psychol- ogy. However, all of attitudinal survey research, including that which constitutes the basis for public opinion polling and American National Election Studies, was founded on the methodological advances of behav- iorism, which primarily rests on psychological social learning theory.
For example, early work in voting studies conducted by Lazarsfeld and col- leagues Lipset et al. This kind of behavioral research became largely incorporated into mainstream political science, albeit without widespread recognition of its origin in psychology. In the wake of this shift in emphasis, important and valuable new work in the study of political behavior emerged. For example, work epitomized by the so- called Michigan approach displaced purely behavioral models with a more psychological and attitudinal approach to voting.
The most notable and influential work in this regard quickly became a classic. The Ameri- can Voter Campbell et al. Such a model posited implicit social processes of group identi- fication but failed to specify the particular psychological mechanisms by which these attachments developed. However, as political science moved into a more behavioral research tradition, the field largely abandoned its previous integration of other subfields within psychology and thus failed to interrogate the basis of such intergenerational transfer of political party identification.
Ironically, this led to the near exclusion of the developmen- tal and clinical traditions that had generated the very models that helped the field survive in the face of the behavioral revolution and that had earlier offered important contributions to our understanding of political leadership in particular.
As a result, the discipline of political science has remained largely alienated from modern work in developmental psychol- ogy and clinical psychiatry while these fields made advances in both meth- ods and theory that redressed earlier limitations and offered potential broader applications in these areas. Today, the majority of psychological models in political science depend primarily on insights largely drawn from models in early social psychology for applications and insights into the nature and foundations of political attitudes and behavior.
Yet modern psychology has grown substantially as a discipline in ways not fully appreciated within the study of political behavior in political science. The rich resources offered by a full recogni- tion of the historical significance and import of developmental and clinical psychology has been largely lost in the investigation of political attitudes, preferences, and behavior. Yet the modern instantiation of such models and arguments remains informative and relevant for many areas of inter- est in political science. This use of psychology to study politics found adherents among those who, like Solomon Asch and Stanley Milgram in social psy- chology, shared an interest in trying to understand the motivation of Nazi Germany in general, and Hitler in particular, in perpetuating the genocide of Jews in Germany.
Other work with mass publics, undertaken using survey methods, such as work on the Authoritarian Personality by Adorno et al. This work came under intense methodological criticism by many who argued that the F-scale, designed to measure such attitudes, was constructed in a biased fashion Brown More recent attempts to capture these beliefs and tie them to systematic political preferences and behavior, with- out falling prey to such methodological faults, come under the rubric of Right-Wing Authoritarianism Altemeyer Classic work in social psychology, such as the work on conformity Asch and obedience Milgram , proved their value by providing important situational motives for behavior that seemed otherwise incomprehensible.
Because such models proved so useful and insightful in the influence of groups Moscovici ; Nemeth and the critical role of situa- tions in influencing outcomes of interest Zimbardo among many other topics, the developing field of political psychology continued to depend on the findings provided by this subfield to the relative neglect of developmental and clinical approaches. This resulted in no small part from the ways in which these approaches remained commensurate with, and reliant upon, the increased use of the survey and statistical analyses noted above.
Because the dominant models of social psychology during this time emphasized the critical role of situation and environments on social behavior, and because such social behavior could be easily and read- ily ascertained through the survey method, the marriage between social and political psychology appeared made in heaven. However, this union served to re-create others in its own image and failed to support progeny whose outlook differed drastically either in ontological origin or method- ological perspective.
As political science becomes more integrated with the research findings generated in other fields, including behavioral econom- ics, neuropsychology, genetics, and neurobiology, it becomes increasingly useful, if not necessary, to draw upon the insights generated by clinical and developmental psychology to improve the descriptive accuracy of models of human behavior. This perspective allows for the incorporation of a broader range of psychological models to more fully and accurately enlighten the enduring and important questions that motivate the study of political preferences.
This is important because clinical and developmental approaches have grown substantially in ways that are not fully appreciated within current models of political behavior, but are crucial for explicating neurobiologi- cal approaches that are becoming increasingly common in the field. Devel- opmental and clinical models offer important perspectives for exploring the interplay between the development of individual minds and the social world, including explorations of the interactions between personality, emotion, prejudice and stereotyping, cooperation and aggression, iden- tity and the self, attitudes and persuasion, and issues of perception and interpretation that influence our understanding of the political world.
Making New Garments from Old Cloth 39 Methodologically, they offer innovations that allow for the incorporation of extreme forms of behavior as well as those that lie within the normal range. These psychological models address these important and promi- nent concerns by incorporating models of neural and social development from fetus to adulthood and capturing all those life events, experiences, and biological mechanisms that lead to preferences, perception, values, and goals in many domains.
Such forces guide behavior across domains and inevitably influence political choice. Clinical and developmental approaches today rely on a full complement of experimental, social, famil- ial, longitudinal, and neurobiological methods. The modern instantiation of such models and arguments remains informative and relevant not only for cataloguing and explicating behaviors, but also for inspiring action to remediate suffering in more effective ways. Such a critical mission has been dissipating from the study of political behavior over the last several decades but continues to be championed by larger psychological science.
Clinical Psychology and Psychiatry Clinical psychology encompasses a series of methods that have tradition- ally focused on diagnosis of behavior outside the normal range. This is not so different an approach from that favored in areas of political science that have also focused on extreme cases, such as war. There are numerous clinical methods that may be of use for the study of political traits. Here we concentrate on the study of extreme behavior because its understand- ing remains central.
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In clinical work, such efforts are devoted to attempts to alleviate immediate suffering, as well as providing insight into lesser versions of the same phenomena in the normal population. In a similar manner, political psychology can use such an approach to understand how extreme cases of particular phenomena, for example fear, might inform our understanding of how its manipulation in lesser form can influence political preferences in decisive ways.
Models and methods drawn from clinical psychology, which focus on understanding, preventing, and relieving psychological distress or dysfunction, have led to a deep understanding of critical core processes underlying human behaviors such as emotion, anxiety, fear, and affilia- tion. In particular, clinical approaches identify a condition and then seek to understand extreme manifestations in order to more fully explicate the mechanisms behind the condition and the resulting consequences if left untreated.
Identification remains similarly useful for understanding the mechanisms and development of political behavior as well; isolating extreme exemplars of any given phenomenon helps observers to identify the processes by which biology and environ- ment interact to create the expression of a particular thought, feeling, or behavior in a given context. Examining the sources of such variables at the extremes of a distribution helps us grasp the emergence of these forces within a more normal range. At the very least, investigating specific fac- tors in their purest form can help guide, shape, and generate hypotheses concerning how they might operate in less pronounced form in different populations.
One of the premier forefathers of the combination of clinical psychol- ogy and political behaviors was the late Hans Eysenck. His work on intel- ligence and personality set the foundation for much of what we know of each today. Eysenck , introduced the world to the two basic personality dimensions he theorized, extroversion and neuroticism, both of which he proposed as inherited and genetically influenced. Some sixty years later, countless theories and measures of personality have since emerged, using a variety of measures and scales, the best known of which is the five-factor model or so-called Big Five personality measure, often credited to Costa and McCrae This approach continues to recog- nize extroversion and neuroticism as two core components of personality, though not the only two, as Eysenck believed.
His mea- surement instruments and questions were originally developed through observation of individuals who were either clinically neurotic or, alter- natively, overly dependent on increased activity, social engagement, and other stimulation-seeking behaviors extroverted. The works of Adorno et al.
Earlier works in political science engaged this literature McClosky and Bann , but the study of personality and political preferences quieted at the same time that B. However, the ideas spawned by Eysenck and his contemporaries have resurfaced in arguments surround- ing the importance of clinical methods in exploring social traits.
Much of the work that leading personality and politics scholars such as John Jost Jost et al. Eysenck explored the relationship between ideology, attitudes, and personality Eysenck , the genetic nature of personality Eysenck , and even the genetic relationship between personality and attitudes Eaves and Eysenck A half cen- tury later, the vast majority of contemporary research examining the rela- tionship between personality and political attitudes is still being presented in psychology journals Jost et al. When such work has been published in political science journals, it is more often authored by psychologists Caprara et al.
Recent trends demonstrate renewed interest in the relationship between personality and attitudes by political scientists within the political science literature, yet these works remain almost agnostic, if not completely unaware of, the clinical and theoretical origins and aspects of the measures Mondak et al.
Unfortunately, outside of research in personality, modern clinical approaches within political science have virtually disappeared, even for those traits that have major clinical importance. For example, the influ- ence of fear poses a major research agenda for political behavior Brader ; Jost et al. Certainly fear has been tied to ideology in the extant literature Jost et al. Indeed, critical information on how fears are developed and maintained remains all but absent in political attitude research.
Yet clinical approaches have focused on diagnosing and treating fears and phobias and provide valuable information on how political behaviors may or may not be influenced by fear that varies by individual disposition. For example, Ainsworth and Bowlby identified innate fear dispo- sitions based on infant reactions to unfamiliarity; Antony et al. In combination, these findings contribute interwoven strands into the weave of a larger literature that collectively agrees on the innate determinants of differential underlying fear dispositions Balter that become socially modified and directed.
Such findings are critically important for the study of political attitudes, preferences, and behavior, yet have not been integrated into their study in any systematic way. A great deal of work has been dedicated to identifying how fear motivates individuals to act in certain ways and how it can shift attitudes and vote choice.
Additional research has examined how certain fear stimuli can mobilize the public toward a particular candidate or platform. Yet almost no research in this area has attempted to understand the source of such fears, or sought ways to extinguish it in order to protect the greater public from fear-based political rhetoric. In other words, almost no work has yet recognized the critical innate differences in baseline fear that have been already identified in clinical research for an exception, see Hatemi et al. Importantly, much clinical work has focused on extinguishing fear Phelps and Thomas ; Schiller et al.
Indeed, a wide array of phobias and fears exist, but, as with cancer, one treatment does not fit all types. Social phobias are the most difficult to treat, and rarely if ever are cured, while animal and situational phobias are much more amenable to effective treatment. For example, Hatemi et al. Furthermore, genetic analysis showed that such effects occurred not as a result of social conditioning, as might have been expected and predicted by previous political science models, but rather resulting from basic individual differences in inherent levels of baseline fear.
Applying these tools holds obvious implications for treating the increas- ing numbers of veterans returning from our many conflicts overseas and for reducing the huge social costs of post—traumatic stress disorder and other conditions resulting from exposure to combat. Other avenues might include informing the public about how fear-based political mes- sages activate parts of their biology to inspire or repress action. Without incorporating clinical methods, discovery and categorization of underly- ing etiological factors, divergent manifestations, and targeted treatment programs will not be developed.
Clinical methods have helped support public policy goals that strive to use knowledge and action to achieve solutions to pressing public problems, such as helping veterans struggling to readjust to civilian life. Other clinical traits of interest, such as the nature of anxiety, aggres- sion, affiliation, and bonding, hold critical import for the ways in which people form political preferences, take part in local community and national elections, and engage in all those behaviors involving citizenship and participation, including war, that are of critical interest to political psychologists.
These forces affect how people condition those around them, such as their children, to respond to the political world they con- front. While such topics are explored in the political psychology literature, research continues to be conducted largely without the benefit of clinical approaches or measures. Indeed, there are few modern explorations of political traits using a clinical approach in the study of political behavior for an exception, see Post , although numerous explorations out- side that arena of interest exist, pointing to the efficacy and utility of the method.
For example, scholars have examined differences in happiness by ideological disposition Choma, Busseri, and Sadava ; Napier and Jost , psychopathology and political aggression Post , and terrorism and mental pathologies Tood, Wilson, and Casey ; Atran Such knowledge has obvious implications regarding public support for various kinds of antiterror policies. We have provided only a few examples of how clinical approaches might inform the study of politics. The application of clinical research easily extends into other political domains as well, including such com- mon concerns as the study of leadership, cooperation and aggression, and political participation.
In this way, invoking established and validated clinical methods to address a current real problem would allow the study of political behavior to return to one of its original intentions of demon- strating applied policy relevance. Developmental Psychology Despite early forays into the area investigating the psychological processes by which children become politically socialized Greenstein and Tarrow ; Niemi and Jennings , developmental approaches represent perhaps the most underappreciated subfield of political psychology. The seminal contributions by M. Kent Jennings and colleagues Langton and Jennings assumed that parental child concordance resulted from socialization and implied that children did not possess or form their own unique attitudes.
However, two psychol- ogists Hess and Torney established that children do possess inde- pendent attitudes. Their study, The Development of Political Attitudes in Children, was based on a novel study of over twelve thousand children from eight major American cities.
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A recent article by Hatemi et al. In this study, they used a longitudinal sam- ple of children assessed for political attitudes every two years from ages eight to eighteen. By fifteen, children closely matched the attitude structure, but not necessar- ily the attitudes, of their mothers. The findings hold profound implications for understand- ing parent—child transmission of political attitudes, political cognition and sophistication, and political learning. While some work on child development has explored the origins of psychopathology Erikson and the nature of political socializa- tion in childhood Greenstein and Tarrow , much less research has focused on the way in which prenatal development affects politically sig- nificant behaviors, such as cooperation or aggression.
Yet this area of psy- chology has proven crucial to explicating how the human mind develops throughout our lives, from infancy through childhood and adolescence into adulthood, and holds the key to achieving a better understanding of many aspects of change and constancy in attitudes and behavior over the lifespan. One example suffices to illustrate the critical importance that develop- ment across stages of growth can exert on later behavior.
First, prenatal nutrition exerts a significant impact on subsequent child development that can manifest an impact throughout life. Like puberty and menopause, pregnancy itself constitutes an important developmental stage for those experiencing its effects. Mothers who suffer from depression during pregnancy risk low birth weight and preterm birth in their offspring Grote et al. All these limi- tations serve to isolate affected individuals from peers and adults, leading to enhanced risk for attachment disorders and other personality deficits in addition to whatever cognitive and physiological problems plague them.
The quality of prenatal nutrition affects many women in poor and rural parts of the world who are subjected to famine and other forms of physical and social stress during pregnancy. Little is known about the later influ- ence of such forces on the political and social abilities of their children and the way such factors might affect the development of subsequent political institutions in those societies. Yet, given what is known about the negative sequelae of drugs and alcohol on prenatal development, such malnutri- tion and psychosocial stress likely exerts a similarly powerful effect on subsequent child growth and learning ability, including moral and social learning.
These implications have obvious political ramifications, espe- cially because entire populations may be affected. Studies exploring the effect of famine or genocide on the culture, physical growth, psychological development, and attitudes of those subjected to its effects might prove extremely illuminating and provide ammunition to those seeking to ame- liorate these effects. For example, the number of infants abandoned or sent to orphanages in eastern Europe reached critical levels in the s due to the severe economic crisis.
In certain orphanages, infants were left alone for twenty-three hours a day without affection or stimulation. As a result, they developed significant deficits in a wide variety of domains, including language and the ability to experience normal human empathy and attachment. Such deficits not only encompassed learning deficiencies, but also resulted in stunted neurological development.
Simply put their brains did not develop as they should have. Effects included deficient glu- cose metabolism and impaired neural function Chugani et al. As far as we know, not a single study in politi- cal behavior has explored prenatal conditions as predictors for later life political behavior, despite the critical importance of biological, psycho- logical, and physiological development for all aspects of human behavior. Including developmental approaches can help us to understand how nutrition and other aspects of prenatal care can affect the propensity for violence and resilience in populations subjected to starvation, famine, or other systematic forms of stress such as forced migration.
No one has yet applied the findings above to large-scale social ills such as famine and war, or examined how such effects might lead to permanent changes in brain structure and function in offspring due to malnutrition, lack of social attention, or chronic stress and fear. These forces can be even more severe and endemic in certain regions or populations. For example, rather than tens of thousands of infants being abandoned in eastern Europe for several years, the refugee situation in the Sudan represents a case where hundreds of thousands of infants and children are denied both nutrition and attention over decades.
The long-term political ramifications remain unknown. Here we show that instantiations of historically useful models and meth- ods drawn from developmental and clinical psychology can continue to inform our future understanding of the foundations and manifestations of political behavior, just as they have in the past.
In particular, we sug- gest that developmental approaches can further our appreciation for the various ways in which environmental factors such as poverty and vio- lence can affect the neurobiological and social development of children, which can exert profound influences on adult political behavior. In addi- tion, clinical approaches can deepen the contextualization of our knowl- edge of critical dynamics involving the influence of personality on politics, anxiety, and fear. Such a perspective can also explicate individual variance in the expression of other emotions that can in turn affect susceptibility to various forms of political messaging, including campaign advertising, and the subtle interplay between leadership, followership, dominance, aggression, and cooperation.
Both approaches provide not only a means to understand behavior, but also a way to explicate potential mechanisms to engage and specially address problems of human suffering. Levinson, and R. Nevitt Sanford. The Authoritarian Personality.
Polygyny:He Was Mine. Now He's Ours.
New York: Harper and Row. Ainsworth, Mary S. Altemeyer, Robert. Right-Wing Authoritarianism. Winnipeg: University of Man- itoba Press. Antony, Martin M. Swallow, and Richard P. Arendt, Hannah. Asch, Solomon E. Atran, Scott. Balter, Michael. Bizer, George Y. Krosnick, Allyson L. Holbrook, S. Christian Wheeler, Derek D. Rucker, and Richard E.
Bouchard, Thomas J. Segal, and Auke Tellegen. Brader, Ted. Brown, Roger. Social Psychology. New York: Free Press. Campbell, Angus, Philip E. Converse, Warren E. Miller, and Donald E. The American Voter. New York: Wiley. Carney, Dana R. Jost, Samuel D. Gosling, and Jeff Potter. Choma, Becky L. Busseri, and Stanley W. Chugani, Harry T. Costa, Paul, and Robert R. Eaves, Lindon J. Elliott, E. Payne, A. Morris, E. Haan, and C. Eluvathingal, Thomas J. Chugani, Michael E.
Chugani, and Malek Makki. Erikson, Erik H. Identity: Youth and Crisis. New York: W. Essex, Marilyn J. Klein, Eunsuk Cho, and Ned H. Eysenck, Hans J. Dimensions of Personality. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner. The Psychology of Politics. London: Routledge. Pervin, — New York: Guilford. The Psychological Basis of Ideology. Bal- timore: University Park Press. George, Alexander L. New York: John Day. Gerber, Alan S. Huber, David Doherty, Conor M. Dowling, and Shang E. Greenstein, Fred I. Beverly Hills: Sage. Grote, Nancy K. Bridge, Amelia R. Gavin, Jennifer L. Melville, Satish Iyen- gar, and Wayne J.
Hatemi, Peter K. Funk, Sarah E. Medland, Hermine M. Maes, Judy L. Sil- berg, Nicholas G. Martin, and Lindon J. Eaves, Kenneth S. Kendler, and Michael C. Hess, Robert D. The Development of Political Attitudes in Children. Chicago: Aldine. Kruglanski, and Frank J. Jost, John T. Napier, Hulda Thorisdottir, Samuel D.
Gosling, Tibor Palfai, and Brian Ostafin. Kendler, Kenneth S. Neale, Ronald C.
Polygyny: He Was Mine Now He's Ours - AbeBooks - Meshiyah Young: X
Kessler, Andrew C. Heath, and Lin- don J. Langton, Kenneth P.
Kent Jennings. Lasswell, Harold D. Psychopathology and Politics. Chicago: University of Chi- cago Press. Lazarsfeld, Paul F. New York: Colum- bia University Press. Lipset, Seymour Martin, Paul F. Lazarsfeld, A. Barton, and J. The Valyrians and later, the Targaryens preferred to marry cousins of as close a degree as possible if there were no sisters in the current generation of their families. They were also known to have marriages between uncles and nieces and probably also aunts and nephews : Rhaenyra Targaryen herself married her own uncle, Daemon Targaryen though uncle-niece marriage is not as close a degree of incest as brother-sister incest.
Bigamy is forbidden in several major religions, such as the Faith of the Seven or the Old Gods of the Forest. The Faith of the Seven considers marrying multiple wives at the same time to be an abomination. Several other world religions, however, do practice polygamy.
The ironborn under the Drowned God religion come close to this with their practice of taking one primary "rock wife" but multiple lower-ranking " salt wives " basically glorified concubines - though they never take more than one "rock wife". By definition paramours are not "married": unlike the salt wives of the ironborn, the children of paramours are considered bastards without inheritance rights though unlike the rest of the Seven Kingdoms, bastardy is not considered very shameful in Dorne.
Aegon the Conqueror, following Valyrian customs, was simultaneously married to both of his sister-wives, Visenya and Rhaenys. The ancient Valyrians were known to practice polygamy - it was not very frequent, but it was not uncommon and unheard of either. Aegon I Targaryen was simultaneously married to both of his sister-wives, Visenya and Rhaenys. Afterwards House Targaryen stopped practicing polygamy, however, realizing that it would greatly antagonize the Faith of the Seven, which was already extremely upset about their incestuous bloodline and marriages apparently they continued to practice incestuous marriages because fundamentally they already had an incestuous bloodline and nothing could change that, but they could actively choose not to engage in polygamy anymore.
The Dothraki practice polygamy, and a khal can take several wives at once Khal Drogo just happened to not have any wives already when he wed Daenerys Targaryen. The status of Dothraki marriages can vary considerably, however: some khals will take multiple wives at once, often merely captives taken in raids, who are considered little more than concubines. Yet sometimes, a khal will fall deeply in love with one wife, a khaleesi who practically co-rules by his side, and he won't take any other wives. Bastardy - when children are born outside of marriage - is considered so shameful in Westeros that the acknowledged bastard children of the nobility have to use special bastard surnames, one surname for each of the Seven Kingdoms.
Bastards from the desert kingdom Dorne use the surname "Sand", such as Ellaria Sand , as well as Oberyn Martell 's daughters nicknamed "the Sand Snakes " as a result. Dorne has different views on sexuality than the rest of Westeros, and unlike the other kingdoms the Dornish don't consider bastardy to be particularly shameful. Only bastards of the nobility can use these surnames. Bastards are excluded from the line of succession, though on rare occasion a king might grant them Legitimization.
The TV series released a behind-the-scenes video featurette on "Bastards of Westeros" including comments by Martin himself click this link to view. There are three major systems of inheritance law practiced in the Seven Kingdoms, all variations on the winner-take-all rule of primogeniture.
Most of the Seven Kingdoms follow male-preference primogeniture: sons rank ahead of daughters in the line of succession i. Bran Stark is ahead of his older sister Sansa Stark in the line of succession, and Tyrion was ahead of his older sister Cersei. Rickon outranks his older sister Sansa. Jon Snow is a bastard, with no right to inheritance. Dorne is an exception: due to resisting conquest by the Targaryens and only joining the realm one century ago through marriage-alliance the Dornish were allowed to keep many of their local laws, including gender-blind primogeniture.
As a result, in the novels Prince Doran Martell 's heir apparent is his daughter Arianne, not her younger brothers Arianne seems to have been cut from the TV series. Doran himself inherited the rule of Dorne from his mother, who was also a Martell by birth. Royal inheritance law was heavily modified after the Dance of the Dragons to place female heirs to the throne behind all possible male ones in the hope that this would prevent another civil war.
Under both Andal law and Dornish law, a lord's younger brother only inherits after the lord's entire bloodline is dead the lord's children and grandchildren - and thus under Andal and Dornish law, a lord's daughter ranks ahead of the lord's younger brother.
Royal inheritance law, in contrast, is the only one of these three systems in which the ruler's daughter ranks behind the ruler's younger brother in the line of succession. Season 1 of the TV series outright states that if Sansa only has daughters with Joffrey, the Iron Throne would pass to Joffrey's younger brother Tommen, and also that even Robert's second brother Renly is ahead of Myrcella in the line of succession.
This is true under royal inheritance law but not for the normal inheritance law, which is followed by Winterfell. Indeed, by Season 5 when all of the legitimate Stark sons are believed dead, Sansa is repeatedly referred to as the legitimate heir to Winterfell. Because the Targaryen exiles considered the Baratheons to be pretenders to the throne, Daenerys was officially the heir of her brother Viserys for many years, simply because all other male Targaryens had in fact died by that point - making Daenerys, upon Viserys's death, the first Targaryen woman to lawfully claim the throne under the modified royal inheritance laws.
Inheritance law outside of the Seven Kingdoms has not been described in much detail. The Free Folk that live beyond the Wall in Westeros commonly called "wildlings" , actually don't have any hereditary aristocracy or formal system of inheritance. A clan leader usually isn't followed because he or she is the child of the previous leader, but because all of the clan members respect their strength and skill, and choose to follow that leader. The major example of this is the position of King-Beyond-the-Wall , an over-chieftain that manages to unite all of the wildling clans: the position is not hereditary, and someone only becomes King-Beyond-the-Wall because all of the clans choose to follow him.
Similarly, the Dothraki do not actually have a formal inheritance system, as they follow strength. The infant son of a khal and his wife has no guarantee or "right" to inherit leadership after he dies. Often, if the son of a khal is already a grown man and powerful warrior in his own right, rule over his father's khalasar will pass to him, but only if he has already earned the respect of the other warriors in the khalasar.
Marriage is presented as a cultural universal in the A Song of Ice and Fire novels: every culture across the known world has some version of it. How each culture defines marriage, however, can vary considerably, i. Marriage customs and wedding ceremonies in a few other cultures and religions have been described:.
Not much has been said about the wedding ceremony in the religion of the Drowned God. All that has been said is passing mention that marriage ceremonies among the ironborn are officiated by Drowned Men priests - and that marriage ceremonies for " salt wives " are "considerably less solemn" than the ceremony for a lord's primary, "rock" wife. It seems probable that weddings among the ironborn are also conducted on the shores of the sea, and possibly involve wading into the water, etc. In the Lord of Light religion, the wedding ceremony is conducted by a Red Priest or Red Priestess , and involves the bride and groom jumping over a low bonfire that has been set in a ditch.
The only example of such a wedding seen so far in the novels was performed by Melisandre at Castle Black , when one of the wildling leaders, Sigorn son of Styr , marries the Northern noblewoman Alys Karstark, in order to prevent her treacherous great-uncle Arnolf from taking over Karhold. Both the bride and the groom actually followed the Old Gods of the Forest and didn't convert to the Lord of Light religion - the wildlings just don't really have any wedding ceremony rituals, there is no heart tree at Castle Black to conduct a wedding in front of, and Melisandre happened to be there.
Apparently they just enjoyed the ceremony of it - or, possibly, they wanted to curry favor with Stannis Baratheon's faction given that Alys was opposed to Bolton rule of the North, and Queen Selyse who was left at Castle Black in the novels was in attendance for the wedding. Given that neither the bride or groom were actually followers of the Lord of Light religion in this instance and it was arranged rather quickly and held during a snowstorm , it isn't clear how representative this example is of a "typical" wedding ceremony in the religion.
In Slaver's Bay weddings are conducted at the city's Temple of the Graces. There are also various customs surrounding a wedding. In Meereen and presumably the other cities one of these is that before the wedding, it is expected that the women of the groom's family will inspect the genitals and womb of the bride, to confirm that she is fertile.
This is a hallowed and serious custom, also overseen by several of the Graces from the temple the Blue Graces are known to serve as healers trained in medicine. Men are apparently forbidden to be present. After it is successfully completed, the bride and assembled women eat a special cake which is only made for this event, and which men are forbidden to taste. Another hallowed custom is that the bride symbolically washes the feet of the groom, symbolizing that she will be his handmaiden it isn't clear if this happens at the actual wedding ceremony or another time.
The wedding garments are also fraught with meaning: the bride is dressed in dark red veils above a tokar of white silk, fringed with baby pearls. The pearls symbolize fertility: the more pearls the bride wears, the more healthy children she will bear. These customs are described to Daenerys Targaryen when she is preparing to marry Hizdahr zo Loraq. She refuses to be inspected by the women of Hizdahr's family - in part, secretly, because she fears that the stillbirth of her son Rhaego caused by Mirri Maz Duur also left her womb infertile, and if this is discovered in the ceremony she will lose the political alliance she wanted to secure with the marriage.
She also scoffs at symbolically washing Hizdahr's feet, though she agrees to wear the Ghiscari-style wedding dress. Qarth has its own unique marriage customs, some of which are described to Daenerys when she is contemplating a political marriage-alliance with Xaro Xhoan Daxos. After they are married, a Qartheen husband and wife each retain legal ownership over their previous properties and possessions.
However, a custom is that at the wedding, the groom may ask for any of the bride's possessions, and the bride in return can ask for any of the groom's possessions. This request cannot be denied, no matter what it is for, and is seen as a symbol of trust between the two of them. When Daenerys hears of this she realizes that Xaro would use it to lay claim to one of her three dragons , because he knew she wasn't aware of the custom.
This sours her on the idea of marrying him and she prepares to leave Qarth. Meeting him a last time, she sarcastically counters that if she did marry him, while she couldn't prevent him from asking for one of her dragons, the equal gift she would ask for in return would be a third of all the ships - not a third of all the ships in Xaro's merchant fleet, or in all of Qarth, but a third of all the ships in the entire world.
Xaro scoffs at this and they part ways. The custom of marriage-by-proxy , which was sometimes practiced in the Medieval Ages, is sometimes practiced among the ironborn. It is unknown if it is acceptable in other regions of Westeros. Euron marries Asha, in her absence and without asking for her consent, to Erik Ironmaker - using a seal to stand in for her at her wedding probably as a mockery.
When Asha hears about that, she comments "I hope Erik did not insist on a consummation". It is unclear if she can have the marriage annulled, either because she has not given her consent; or that using a non-human proxy is invalid; or that the marriage was not consummated; in any case, she hardly gives any thought about her marriage, nor about annulment. Ser Justin Massey, who is interested in wedding Asha, claims that her marriage can be "easily set aside" because it was done by proxy and never been consummated implying that marriage by proxy is considered invalid by non-ironborn.
Marriage is a socially recognized union between people that establishes rights and obligations between them and their children. While in a broad sense "marriage" of some kind is a cultural universal found in all human societies throughout history, the exact definitions of "marriage", like conceptions about sexuality as a whole, have varied considerably across different cultures and within the same cultures across time i.
Even in Christian Western Europe, strictly speaking, from the fourth to twenty-first centuries there has never been one "traditional" definition of marriage, the definition changed every three or four centuries. Prior to the year marriage in Europe was largely a contractual arrangement made by two families to link them together, for political alliance and transfer of property.
A son from one family married the daughter from another: ostensibly, the wife would only have procreative sex with her husband and thus marriage confirmed that all of her children were fathered by her husband - which made them "legitimate", confirmed heirs, capable of inheriting his family's property. Men, however, often kept several long-term concubines alongside their wives, who often had official status and certain legal rights. The definition of "marriage", and standards about sexuality in general, in the real-life Middle Ages were drastically changed by the Gregorian Reform movement within the Christian Church after the year The reformers enforced clerical celibacy which had not been practiced in the first 1, years of Christianity to lessen the control of political dynasties over powerful Church offices.
Thus "marriage" was redefined again to be something the clergy couldn't do. This led to the Church propagating the view that the celibate life was the ideal mode of living, and sex among non-clergy was only permissible within marriage, exclusively for the necessary evil of producing children. Marriage among the non-clergy was redefined as "monogamous, indissoluble They propagated for the first time the view that marriage was a holy vow that had to be actively consented to by both persons: to be sure, many families still forced their daughters to "consent" to political marriages, but they never would have bothered to pay this token lip-service to the idea of consent during the pre-Christian Roman era.
In Game of Thrones Season 3 episode 6 " The Climb ", Edmure Tully complains that he can't be forced to enter into a marriage-alliance with a Frey girl, because a man cannot be forced to take holy vows without his consent - which is a reference to this concept. In the TV version his uncle Brynden simply threatens to punch him if he refuses, but in the book version, Brynden more politely urges that while he's one of the last men who should be giving such a command given that he refused his own brother Hoster 's command to enter into an arranged marriage , Edmure must go through with it because they desperately need to repair their alliance with the Freys.
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Sansa Stark and Tyrion Lannister are also forced to marry each other against their wills particularly, Sansa, a captive of the Lannisters , but they still make her go through the token gesture of saying "yes" during the marriage ceremony. Even in the late Middle Ages, marriages were rarely made for love, but to secure political alliances and rights to property:.
The Gregorian Reforms of the eleventh century not only resulted in a celibate priesthood, but succeeded in making a politically stronger clergy not dominated by the nobility, who could in time pressure the aristocracy to accept their moral dictates. The Catholic Church began to redefine marriage by placing limits on incestuous marriage between cousins of a certain degree see the main article on " Incest ". Where once a man could marry his first cousin, he now could not marry his third cousin or any closer relation.
It is theorized that the Church put limits on incestuous marriages within certain degrees because it often led to civil wars within families, as it left the succession order muddled. Attitudes about marriage changed somewhat after the Black Death devastated Europe starting in , which killed over a third of the population. For the first time there was a massive labor shortage , with not enough peasants to work the fields and feed the towns and cities.
While the Church used to espouse that marriage was distant second to choosing a life of celibacy, after the plague Church sermons began praising and valorizing marriage as also a worthy state of living, to encourage the commoners to produce more children. The massive depopulation caused by the plague may have had a similar effect on attitudes about marriage in Westeros. Sign In Don't have an account? Start a Wiki. The crown must forge new alliances - and these alliances must often be sealed in matrimony.
Contents [ show ]. Princess Myrcella will wed their youngest son when she comes of age, ensuring their loyalty - and their army, should we need it. Robert Baratheon : " Backstabbing doesn't prepare you for a fight and that's all the realm is now: backstabbing and scheming and arse-licking and money-grubbing. This fallen condition of man also explains why God permitted polygyny for a time being; in fact, it is the very reason why God also allowed for divorce:. This was all destroyed as a result of the fall of man. Yet God who is in rich in mercy, love and patience, allowed man to continue violating his ideal standard for marriage until the advent of Christ and the New Testament dispensation.
More on this in the next section. There is not a single verse from the New Testament that prohibits polygamy. Christians usually mistakenly present the following verses from the Bible to prove that polygamy in the New Testament is not allowed:. In the above verses, we see that Jesus was approached with a question about whether or not it is allowed for a man to divorce his wife in Matthew Jesus immediately referred to the Old Testament for the answer in Matthew He referred to Adam and Eve, one man and one woman.
The Old Testament does talk about the story of Adam and Eve as one husband and one wife. However, the Old Testament which Jesus had referred to in Matthew does allow polygamy. Also, when a man becomes a one flesh with his wife in Matthew , this doesn't mean that the man can't be one flesh with another woman. He can be one flesh with his first wife, and one flesh with his second wife, and one flesh with his third wife and so on What therefore God has joined together, let not man put asunder.
And I say to you: whoever divorces his wife, except for unchastity, and marries another, commits adultery. This may be read in Genesis and from thence this sense of things collected; that God, who in the beginning of time, or of the creation, as Mark expresses it, made all things, the heavens, and the earth, and all that is therein, and particularly "man", as the Vulgate Latin, and Munster's Hebrew Gospel supply it here, made the first parents of mankind, male and female; not male and females, but one male, and one female; first, one male, and then, of him one female, who, upon her creation, was brought and married to him; so that in this original constitution, no provision was made for divorce, or polygamy.
Adam could not marry more wives than one, nor could he put away Eve for every cause, and marry another : now either the Pharisees had read this account, or they had not; if they had not, they were guilty of great negligence and sloth; if they had, they either understood it or not; if they did not understand it, it was greatly to their reproach, who pretended to great knowledge of the Scriptures, and to be able to explain them to others; and if they did understand it, there was no need for this question, which therefore must be put with an evil design. Source ; underline emphasis ours.
And said, For this cause --to follow out this divine appointment. This being God's constitution, let not man break it up by causeless divorces. Commentary Critical and Explanatory on the Whole Bible ; source. For the creation waits with eager longing for the revealing of the sons of God. For the creation was subjected to futility, not willingly, but because of him who subjected it, in hope that the creation itself will be set free from its bondage to decay and obtain the freedom of the glory of the children of God.
For we know that the whole creation has been groaning together in the pains of childbirth until now. And not only the creation, but we ourselves, who have the firstfruits of the Spirit, groan inwardly as we wait eagerly for adoption as sons, the redemption of our bodies.
For in this hope we were saved. Now hope that is seen is not hope. For who hopes for what he sees? But if we hope for what we do not see, we wait for it with patience. The old has passed away; behold, the new has come. And I saw the holy city, new Jerusalem, coming down out of heaven from God, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband. He will dwell with them, and they will be his people, and God himself will be with them as their God. He will wipe away every tear from their eyes, and death shall be no more, neither shall there be mourning nor crying nor pain anymore, for the former things have passed away.
The leaves of the tree were for the healing of the nations. No longer will there be anything accursed, but the throne of God and of the Lamb will be in it, and his servants will worship him. They will see his face, and his name will be on their foreheads. And night will be no more. They will need no light of lamp or sun, for the Lord God will be their light, and they will reign forever and ever.
As such, Christians are supposed to model their marriage after the pattern set by God before the fall where one man marries one woman. Made them male and female Merely through the design of matrimonial union, that the earth might be thus peopled. To answer a case of conscience, a man should act as Christ does here; pay no regard to that which the corruption of manners has introduced into Divine ordinances, but go back to the original will, purpose , and institution of God.
Christ will never accommodate his morality to the times , nor to the inclinations of men. What was done at the beginning is what God judged most worthy of his glory , most profitable for man , and most suitable to nature. The Adam Clarke Commentary ; source ; underline emphasis ours. In light of this, it should come as no surprise that Paul gives the following instructions to believers seeking to get married:. For the wife does not have authority over her own body, but the husband does. Likewise the husband does not have authority over his own body, but the wife does.
Do not deprive one another, except perhaps by agreement for a limited time, that you may devote yourselves to prayer; but then come together again, so that Satan may not tempt you because of your lack of self-control. This is a rather explicit statement which limits a man to only one spouse. Note the structure: Each man is to have his own wife.
Each woman is to have her own husband. If Osama and company wish to say that Paul is not limiting a man to have only one wife then they must also reason that his statements do not limit a woman to marry only one husband either. If a man can have more than one wife according to this text, then by the same token a woman can have more than one spouse. Yet we know that Paul does not allow a woman to have more than one spouse at the same time:. Thus a married woman is bound by law to her husband while he lives, but if her husband dies she is released from the law of marriage.
Accordingly, she will be called an adulteress if she lives with another man while her husband is alive. But if her husband dies, she is free from that law, and if she marries another man she is not an adulteress. Thus, the grammatical structure of 1 Corinthians 7 clearly limits both the man and the woman to only one spouse at a time. There is no way to get around this exegetically. Let every man have his own wife Let every man have one woman, his own ; and every woman one man, her own.
Here, plurality of wives and husbands is most strictly forbidden; and they are commanded to marry for the purpose of procreating children. In the Jewish constitutions there are some things not only curious, but useful, respecting marriage. Impure desire ; 2. To get riches ; 3. To become honourable ; 4. For the glory of God. Those who marry through the first motive beget wicked and rebellious children.
Those who marry for the sake of riches have the curse of leaving them to others. Those who marry for the sake of aggrandizing their family, their families shall be diminished. Those who marry to promote the glory of God , their children shall be holy , and by them shall the true Church be increased. Verse 2 But because of fornications, let each man have his own wife, and let each woman have her own husband. Christianity is opposed to polygamy, concubinage, divorce and all related evils.
Also, there is implicit in this verse a practical condemnation of celibacy. Celibacy being an absolutely unattainable state for the vast majority of mankind, marriage is required as the only practical alternative. Have his own wife.
And one wife, to whom he shall be faithful. Polygamy is unlawful under the gospel; and divorce is unlawful. Let every man and woman, therefore, honour the institution of God, and avoid the evils of illicit indulgence. Barnes' Notes on the New Testament ; source.
In Matthew , the Jews referred to Deuteronomy from the Old Testament where it states that if a woman's husband dies, and she didn't have any kids from him, then she must marry his brother regardless whether he had a wife or not. When the Jews brought this situation up to Jesus in Matthew , Jesus did not prohibit at all for the childless widow to marry her husband's brother even if he were married. Instead, Jesus replied to them by saying that we do not marry in heaven, and we will be like angels in heaven Matthew So in other words, if Jesus allowed for a widow to marry her former husband's brother even if he were married, then this negates the Christians' claim about the Bible prohibiting polygamy.
A man can be one flesh with more than one woman. In the case of Matthew , the man can be one flesh with his wife, and one flesh with his deceased brother's wife. Also keep in mind that Exodus allows a man to marry an infinite amount of women, and Deuteronomy allows a man to marry more than one wife.
Rather, the context shows that the Sadducees were trying to use this Mosaic command to confound Jesus regarding the resurrection of the dead, something which they did not personally believe in:. The first married and died, and having no children left his wife to his brother. So too the second and third, down to the seventh. After them all, the woman died. In the resurrection, therefore, of the seven, whose wife will she be? For they all had her. For in the resurrection they neither marry nor are given in marriage, but are like angels in heaven.
And as for the resurrection of the dead, have you not read what was said to you by God: "I am the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob"? He is not God of the dead, but of the living. In other words, God accepts death as a valid dissolution of the marital union the other being marital unfaithfulness [cf. Matthew ; ] , allowing for the widowed to remarry so long as it is to a fellow believer:. But if her husband dies, she is free to be married to whom she wishes, only in the Lord. Romans He writes:.
The most suitable one I can give you here is the one where Jesus used the bridegroom 1 man and his 10 virgins 5 became his wives and slept with him parable! See section 4 below for the details. Before we begin, interestingly, Jesus said this parable that contained polygamy in it to a society that practiced polygamy. Jesus obviously saw no problem in their polygamy practice!
According to Jesus' parable, the bridegroom married 5 of the ten virgins! It seems also that Jesus in this parable really allowed for all women to be naked in one room with their one husband. Polygamy is allowed in Islam, but it is forbidden for the man to share the room with more than one wife at a time:.
This is what is actually very sick and perverse, and only exposes how twisted and perverted Osama really is. The Holy Bible says of such a person:. Had Osama bothered consulting some commentaries he would have discovered that it was common in those days for a bridegroom to be greeted by the virgin maidens of the town as he prepared to meet his bride.
Upon arriving, the bride would take his spouse and celebrate with their families and friends for at least seven days. Note what the commentaries say at this point:. Which took their lamps, and went forth to meet the bridegroom. The lamps used on such occasions were rather torches or flamebeaux.
They were made by winding rags around pieces of iron or earthenware, sometimes hollowed so as to contain oil, and fastened to handles of wood. These torches were dipped in oil, and gave a large light. Marriage ceremonies in the East were conducted with great pomp and Solemnity.
The ceremony of marriage was performed commonly in the open air, on the banks of a stream. Both the bridegroom and bride were attended by friends; they were escorted in a palanquin , carried by four or more persons. After the ceremony of marriage succeeded a feast of seven days if the bride was a virgin, or three days if she was a widow. This feast was celebrated in her father's house.
At the end of that time the bridegroom conducted the bride, with great pomp and splendour, to his own home. This was done in the evening, or at night, Jeremiah ; ; Many friends and relations attended them; and besides those who went with them from the house of the bride, there was another company that came out from the house of the bridegroom to meet them, and welcome them. These were probably female friends and relatives of the bridegroom, who went out to welcome him and his new companion to their home.
These are the virgins mentioned in this parable. Not knowing precisely the time when the procession would come, they probably went out early, and waited by the way till they should see indications of its approach. In the celebration of marriages in the East at the present day, many of the peculiar customs of ancient times are observed.
At a Hindoo marriage, says a modern missionary, "the procession of which I saw some years ago, the bridegroom came from a distance, and the bride lived at Serampore, to which place the bridegroom was to come by water. After waiting two or three hours, at length, near midnight, it was announced, in the very words of Scripture, ' Behold, the bridegroom cometh; go ye out to meet him.
The bridegroom was carried in the arms of a friend, and placed in a superb seat in the midst of the company, where he sat a short time, and then went into the house, the door of which was immediately shut, and guarded by sepoys. I and others expostulated with the door-keepers, but in vain. Never was I so struck with our Lord's beautiful parable as at this moment--' And the door was shut.
The journal of one of the American missionaries in Greece contains an account of an Armenian wedding which she attended; and, after describing the dresses and previous ceremonies, she says, that at twelve o'clock at night, precisely, the cry was made by some of the attendants, Behold , the bridegroom cometh ; and immediately five or six men set off to meet him. Verse Went in with him to the marriage.