Miller seeks to argue for nationalism on the basis of trust, and this renders him pessimistic about the prospects of redistributive arrangements in Europe. This argument is flawed. The upshot is that the need for redistributive arrangements based on trust need not draw on nationalism of the kind Miller suggests.
In consequence, the prospects of redistributive arrangements in Europe need not be as bleak as Miller suggests. The quest for Europe-wide trust is important, but a European national identity of the sort Miller supports may not be required. One reason why Miller's argument is of obvious interest for the study of international relations and the future of the European Union is his explicit concern for stability.
General compliance with existing policies and institutions is a paramount condition for a political order worthy of the name. One - of several - mechanisms for securing the requisite expectations of reciprocal compliance builds on shared values. Miller's main argument for nationalism provides a thought-provoking exposition of this argument:. A charitable interpretation of this argument from stability takes it to proceed in four steps. Compliance with redistributive arrangements typical of welfare state regimes requires trust.
The state is more stable if based on a national community, since compliance with costly policies requires trust. The population must believe that need-based provisions will in fact be distributed fairly according to need Miller, The reasons why trust is important for welfare arrangements appear to stem from problems of partial compliance: the suspicion either that the contributors or the beneficiaries of redistribution are failing to do their part, to the detriment of others. The participants in redistributive welfare arrangements will want to know that others contribute when they contribute themselves.
Partial compliance may make already costly burdens excessively costly for those who do their share. Even the suspicion of such partial compliance can wreak havoc with co-operative arrangements. This is because the motives for compliance are often complex. Three different motivational set-ups may be distinguished. For this segment of the population, the expected behaviour of others is irrelevant. Each of the participants may prefer all others to comply, without themselves complying.
The result may be the end of collective action. A collective solution to this conundrum is coercive compliance, sanctioning unilateral defection for the sake of general co-operation. In our setting, sanctions can ensure that citizens of Europe contribute to redistributive schemes benefiting non-nationals, or punish those Europeans who seek benefits beyond their due entitlements. Trust is important to remove problems of partial compliance. Trust in the behaviour of others can serve to reduce the problems generated by the suspicion that others are free riders and by conditional compliers.
Such trust can be secured by sanctions, which shift individuals' preferences, so that even free riders will prefer to comply if the risk of being caught is high enough. Sanctions also promote compliance by conditional compliers, since sanctions provide more reliable expectations about the compliance of others. But for a community of conditional compliers, information may suffice for trust. Sanctions can therefore play an important role for fostering trust in the compliance by others, particularly when individuals do not know whether the others are free riders or conditional compliers.
However, sanctions are a less than perfect mechanism for ensuring compliance. Sanctions can be costly and cumbersome, and suspicion of other's low risk defection can threaten complex co-operative ventures such as redistribution.
David Miller (political theorist)
Thus, unconditional or conditional compliers are to be preferred. This makes for more stable redistributive practices. Trust that others are conditional or unconditional compliers with redistributive arrangements, rather than free riders, is necessary for general compliance and hence stability. Nationality provides the common identity appropriate for redistributive arrangements. Miller then claims that communal ties and common identity, in the sense of shared interests, are central for ensuring the requisite trust.
Clearly, individuals who prefer conditional or unconditional compliance, and who are known to have these preferences, will secure stable redistribution better than individuals who are free riders. Thus, a shared, public commitment to such arrangements seems beneficial to redistribution.
Principles of Social Justice — David Miller | Harvard University Press
The need for shared beliefs and mutual commitment is presumably due to the role of nationality in removing problems of partial compliance through trust. Nationalism provides the unique common identity appropriate for redistributive arrangements. Miller then appears to hold that nationalism provides the uniquely appropriate common identity appropriate for redistributive arrangements.
Let us agree with Miller's observation that trust plays an important role for stability, and that correct stable expectations about others' behaviour is important for maintaining redistributive arrangements. However, it is not clear that Miller's conception of nationality is required to solve the problems of partial compliance.
For the issue of redistributive arrangements in the European Union, the relevant questions are parallel: What shared values and culture is needed to sustain such solidarity in Europe? Firstly, there may only be agreement on complying with certain principles of action. Thus, famously, Jacques Maritain argued for human rights as constituting a very thin overlapping consensus:. It is not reasonably possible to hope for more than the convergence in practice in the enumeration of articles jointly agreed. The reconciling of theories and a philosophic synthesis in the true sense are only conceivable after an immense amount of investigation and elucidation of fundamentals, requiring a high degree of insight, a new systematisation and authoritative correction of a number of errors and confusions of thought However, it is not clear that mere agreement on certain principles or practices suffice.
Rules of practices must be interpreted, revised and applied; and suspicion of defection will flourish unless the reasons others have for complying are visible for others. Secondly, a 'thick' set of values, if shared by all, can have a substantive content confirming the redistributive practices as expressing the proper responsibility of each member of society for one another. This approach faces the challenge of value pluralism. How can these institutions and such comprehensive values be imposed on all members of a society, even when citizens disagree about the good life? This is one fundamental challenge facing Miller's view insofar as it is taken to support 'nationalism'.
Furthermore, of course, only some such substantive values will endorse redistribution. A third strategy requires agreement on certain practices, and on their immediate justification sufficient to ensure shared interpretation, application and stable compliance, all the while seeking to avoid controversial metaphysical assumptions or contested views about the proper ends of humans. Indeed, Rawls underscores the concern for stability, and claims that.
It would seem possible for Miller to pursue the third strategy. However, he hesitates about the alleged 'neutrality' imposed by such views. This brings us to the second issue pertaining to Miller's position: what is the content of the common political culture shared by all nationals? An important issue concerns the content of the 'common political culture'.
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Miller regards this as. The problem is partly one of contested demarcations.
This can be illustrated by his own view that Scots, the Welsh, and the Northern Irish are not separate nations. Britain should not be thought of as 'a multinational state in which common political institutions hold together communities with separate identities' Miller, , but rather as one nation. This surely raises the issue of what are necessary or sufficient elements of a common political culture.
The distinction between private and public culture becomes even more important insofar as Miller wants to distinguish his nationalist position from liberalism. He notes that his nationalists,. If trust and a narrow political culture are required, we are led to wonder why Miller insists that the nation must have political and territorial aspirations. Here he departs from other defenders of moderate nationalism, such as Yael Tamir. Miller claims that 'it is an essential part of having the [national] identity that you should permanently occupy that place A nation However, making this into a defining criterion of nationality does not explain why general compliance with institutions requires such aims.
It is not clear that considerations of trust support the restriction to groups with political and territorial claims. To be sure, he notes that traditional sovereignty need not always be needed, but still the nation itself must decide on what to claim, and what counts as constitutive of their culture:. The guiding ideal here is that of a people reproducing their national identity and settling matters that are collectively important to them through democratic deliberation.
To achieve that, they need a political unit with authority of the relevant scope, but what that scope must be will depend on the particular identity of the group in question, and on the aims and goals that they are attempting to pursue. It is therefore going to be difficult to set apriori limits to the proper scope of sovereignty from this perspective. Moreover, we cannot tell in advance which particular features of a society's way of life will come to assume importance as markers of national identity.
Once you combine the principle of national self-determination with the proposition that what counts for the purposes of national identity is what the nation in question takes to be essential to that identity, it follows that nothing in principle lies beyond the scope of sovereignty. One reason for insisting that nations must have political autonomy is to protect the common culture, which in turn is regarded as a condition 'for a person's having an identity and being able to make choices in the first place' Miller, This defence seems unsatisfactory.
It would support legal immunity not only for groups we intuitively may grant are nations, but also for a wide variety of groups who share values and seek to pursue them. At the same time, this defence stops far short of justifying sovereign statehood. What seems required is systematic argument, in sector after sector, on the basis of a variety of interests, about what sorts of legal powers a group needs to secure the legitimate elements of their common culture.
Thus this argument might support the claims of any set of individuals should enjoy whatever powers they need to ensure the flourishing of their own 'culture'. The result would be a much broader range of social groups enjoying a broad variety of legal powers and immunities than what is traditionally meant by 'sovereign nation states'. In response, Miller might pursue two further reasons for the concern with political and territorial claims, relating to trust. This definition of nationality may make sense when shared territory is a good indicator of shared values or interests.
This territorial focus also identifies one set of comprehensive and mutually exclusive cultures, avoiding the myriad of conflicting claims that would otherwise arise for individual with multiple loyalties and 'identities'. However, neither of these two is decisive in today's world. Firstly, in states with freedom of religion and speech, territorial borders do not identify a population with a broad range of shared values and a common, dominant identity. Political borders may delineate the reach of common institutions and sanctioning mechanisms, but these cannot uncontroversially be used in the pursuit on common values.
Nor, I have suggested, are shared thick values needed. Secondly, the territorial focus removes conflicts only if contested territorial claims can be adjudicated. However, this is notoriously not the case in the present world order. Miller is right to point out that such arrangements often entail less redistribution across sub-units , but this fact does not entail that less redistribution is wrong. The force of this observation depends on whether we agree with Miller that redistributive claims are completely independent of the extent of mutual interdependence in collaborative arrangements.
To conclude, it is not clear that Miller's defence of nationality on the basis of the need for trust succeeds. What is justified is a shared set of practices with some public, common value platform, but this requires neither a 'thick' public political culture nor a set of individuals who have political or territorial aspirations.
This modest shared normative platform would seem a poor explication of the term 'nationality'. Miller raises several concerns against 'Ethical Universalist' normative theories, apparently including those associated with Habermas and Rawls. In the European context this is relevant, as Habermas for one has stressed the need for a shared political culture focussed on the constitution or its equivalent.
Such a constitutional patriotism must suffice Habermas, Miller disagrees:. If we are attempting to reform national identity so that it becomes accessible to all citizens, we do this not by discarding everything except constitutional principles, but by adapting the inherited culture to make room for minority communities. Miller offers two reasons why these identities must be 'thick', summarised by his claim that.
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Subscribing to them [the constitutional principles] marks you out as a liberal rather than a fascist or an anarchist, but it does not provide the kind of political identity that nationality provides. Talk of citizenship should not replace nationality.
1. Justice: Mapping the Concept
To get a grasp of Miller's argument it is worth quoting in full. Citizenship cannot solely be. These principles should undoubtedly feature centrally in any story about what it means to be British today, and as I shall suggest shortly it would be very helpful to have them formally inscribed in a constitutional document. It does not, however, seem that these principles, which after all are the common currency of liberal democracies everywhere, can by themselves bear the load that would otherwise be carried by a national identity.
As I have already argued, a national identity helps to locate us in the world; it must tell us who we are, where we have come from, what we have done. It must then involve an essentially historical understanding in which the present generation are seen as heirs to a tradition which they then pass on to their successors. It seems correct that a set of such principles provides little in the way of identifying the proper role of a people in the world, or the appropriate story of its past. However, two comments are appropriate.
As discussed in section 2, the arguments from trust do not support the need for a shared 'thick' platform. The principles Miller lists would be similar and shared among citizens of many or most legitimate states. This creates a problem for theories focusing on such principles, or so Miller argues. Nothing distinguishes a nation from others on this view. For Miller this is a flaw. He holds that. National divisions must be conceived as natural ones; they must correspond to what are taken to be real differences between peoples.
As discussed above, the reasons for nationality based on trust do not require that the shared values are unique to the participants: The point is to ensure general compliance among themselves, not to set them apart or exclude anyone else. Against this, Miller might respond that the problem remains because these principles do not bind individuals to the practices and people of their own state, rather than to any other just state.
I consider this worry in the next section. For these purposes, the normative tradition of 'liberal contractualism' include writers such as Brian Barry Barry, , John Rawls Rawls, , and T. The aim here is to sketch some elements consistent with these approaches, in order to indicate how Liberal Contractualism avoids the problems identified by David Miller. Liberal Contractualism addresses the conditions under which citizens have reason to accept institutions and cultures as normatively legitimate and binding on their conduct.
The set of social institutions as a whole should secure the relevant interests of all affected parties to an acceptable degree. Institutions are legitimate in this sense only if they satisfy principles that can be justified by arguments in the form of a social contract of a particular kind. The principles of legitimacy to which we should hold institutions, are those that the persons affected would unanimously consent to under conditions which secure and recognise their status as appropriately free and equal.
Note that, unlike the contractualist tradition of Thomas Hobbes and David Gauthier, Liberal Contractualism does not seek to justify morality from a premise of self-centred individuals. Rather, it assumes that individuals generally have an interest in being 'able to justify one's actions to others on grounds they could not reasonably reject' Scanlon, They 'desire to act in accordance with principles that could not reasonably be rejected by people seeking an agreement with others under conditions free from morally irrelevant bargaining advantages and disadvantages' Barry, 8.
This commitment to give reasons is an expression of our belief in and respect for the reasonableness of others Macedo, One contribution of Liberal Contractualism is to delineate some limits to the morally binding rules and practices we find ourselves surrounded by, regardless of actual consent. Every individual's interests must be secured and furthered by the social institutions as a whole Dworkin, This commitment is honed by the notion of possible consent, allowing us to bring the vague ideals of equal dignity to bear on pressing questions of legitimacy and institutional design.
Our moral obligation to obey the law of the land is justified in part by the claim that this social order could have been the subject of consent among all affected parties. But this does not entail that such hypothetical consent creates the moral obligation or duty in the same way as free and adequately informed consent binds those who so consent. Instead, Liberal Contractualism serves to delineate the limits to these duties that hold regardless of actual consent, including what Rawls' theory of Justice as Fairness calls the natural duty of justice, 'to support and to comply with just institutions that exist and apply to us' Rawls, a: ; cf.
Great political philosophers from Plato to Rawls have traditionally argued that there is a single, principled answer to this question.
Challenging this conventional wisdom, David Miller theorized that justice can take many different forms. In Forms of Justice, a distinguished group of political philosophers takes Miller's theory as a starting point and debates whether justice takes one form or many. Drawing real world implications from theories of justice and examining in depth social justice, national justice, and global justice, this book falls on the cutting edge of the latest developments in political theory.
Sure to generate debate among political theorists and social scientists, Forms of Justice is indispensable reading for anyone attentive to the intersection between philosophy and politics. About the Author Daniel A. Show More. Average Review. Write a Review. Related Searches. An Introduction to Political Philosophy. An Introduction to Political Philosophy demystifies the political sphere by analyzing ten of its key An Introduction to Political Philosophy demystifies the political sphere by analyzing ten of its key aspects, ranging from justice to obedience, from security to order.
The analysis is based on 38 short source texts from a time span of more than View Product. In this book, distinguished philosopher George Sher explores the normative moral and social problems that An attempt to provide a critical account of Gandhi's moral and political philosophy. It places His argument for multiple rationales for justice comes in part from his belief in cultural pluralism there are no universally shared beliefs but theorists such as Franz Oppenheimer dispute this.
A feminist perspective might criticise his separation of spheres of justice. For people who are not engaged in one sphere, they can never receive their 'just' distribution in reference to their needs or deserts. For example, a person with no family or close friends may not belong to any 'solidaristic community' willing to distribute to compensate for their 'needs' beyond those which their position as a citizen will confer.
A person who has never and will never work home-makers, severely disabled people will never receive 'dues' for the labour or activity which they do engage with. In practical terms, he comes under fire for defending desert as a principle of social justice. A deterministic view of the world leads to the conclusion that we are not responsible for our skills, talents or abilities including our ability to work to improve any natural talents therefore it is unjust to be rewarded for them.
This is argued by Rawls. Of course, if determinism is rejected as a majority of academic philosophers have done , then the idea of morally valued "merit" can have intellectual "merit. Rawls merely asserts his position on merit. The opposite position can also be, just as legitimately and with as much intellectual support, asserted. Miller proposes that desert can be allocated through a strictly controlled market to limit too much inequality.
But others say that the objects or talents that the 'market' that is, society put economic value upon is not a just way to determine what is deserving. Miller's support for liberal forms of nationalism has been criticised by theorists such as Iris Marion Young , who stresses the need to develop forms of solidarity that extend beyond the state.
It can be argued that Miller's assertion that we have greater ethical obligations to our co-nationals than to nationals of other states relies on an assumption that all states are equally well placed to provide for their citizens' needs, and defend their rights. Critics point out that this does not correspond to empirical reality.
Young gives the example of natural resources , which are unequally distributed between states. She argues that their placement is morally arbitrary.