The Cairo declaration followed years of limited acceptance of the Universal declaration by predominantly Muslim states. As an example, in , Iran's UN representative, Said Raja'i Khorasani, said the following amid allegations of human rights violations, "[Iran] recognized no authority Conventions, declarations and resolutions or decisions of international organizations, which were contrary to Islam, had no validity in the Islamic Republic of Iran The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which represented secular understanding of the Judaeo-Christian tradition, could not be implemented by Muslims and did not accord with the system of values recognized by the Islamic Republic of Iran; this country would therefore not hesitate to violate its provisions.
See human rights in Iran , human rights in Saudi Arabia , and Taliban treatment of women for specific examples. Guiora noted that this is equivalent to the number of Australians who perceived American Foreign Policy as a threat, he further noted that not just Muslim countries have an unfavourable opinion of the United States but a large number of western countries such as: France, Germany, Great Britain and Spain and concluded that Australia was not an outlier on this regard. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Muslims who seek to return to the fundamentals of the Islamic religion. Key texts. Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam Iqbal s. Principles of State and Government Asad Ma'alim fi al-Tariq "Milestones" Qutb Heads of state. Key ideologues. Criticism of Islamism. Related topics. Sab'u Masajid , Saudi Arabia. Ideology and influences. Founders and key figures.
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Notable universities. Related ideologies. Associated organizations.
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Retrieved 22 December NewYork: Oxford University Press, , p. Retrieved Pelletreau, Jr. A History of Islamic Societies. Retrieved 23 December The Times London. August , p. Marty and R. Scott Appleby, eds. Scott Appleby, "Introduction," in Martin and Appleby, eds.
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December 9, The Globe and Mail. Ottawa Citizen. Archived from the original PDF on Wake Forest University. Archived from the original on October 6, Retrieved August 29, Updated Edition. The defining events of the last century - in particular, the break-up of the Ottoman Empire and rise of independent Muslim-majority states - irreversibly altered the social, economic and political landscape of the Middle East.
Along with this has come unrelenting scrutiny of the role of Islam in private and public life, international relations and economic development. According to certain scholars with an Orientalist bent, Islam's central role in the development of these fields, while highly successful in the earlier days of its civilisation, came to a screeching halt in the face of Renaissance Europe. In his controversial book What Went Wrong? For Lewis, this represented both the hallmark of European Enlightenment philosophy, and Islam's internal struggle to reconcile temporal religious authority with the secular ideals of the nation-state.
It was only at the middle of the twentieth century that Muslim-majority countries attempted to rebuild their societies in wake of the decolonisation of their territories. To achieve this, they tended to turn to ideologically secular political systems - for example, in the form of the reforms of Kemal Ataturk in Turkey, pan-Arabism under the Egyptian nationalist Gamal Abdel Nasser, and finally the establishment of the decidedly anti-secular Islamic Republic of Iran in Yet none of these political forms fully appreciated the spiritual pluralism of traditional Islamic societies. If anything, these movements have used their respective dominance to suppress or else utilise religion as a legitimating force with which to quash political opposition and restrict the mobility of civil society.
More recently, we have witnessed the onslaught of revolutions and counter-revolutions in the Arab and wider Islamic world. Whether it is in a secular nationalist or Islamist mould, Muslims across the world have taken to the streets in an attempt to depose corrupt regimes and reconstruct their societies. However, as policy analysts and academics attempt to dissect issues pertaining to security and economic issues of Muslim states - and understandably so given, their heightened prominence - the question of how Muslim societies are able to reconcile their heritage with modern forms of governance and state-building is something that is often overlooked or not adequately addressed.
Prior to the advent of colonisation, Muslim populations stretching from Persia, Anatolia and the Indian sub-continent opened themselves to a range of understandings of the Islamic tradition based on flexible and non-dogmatic interpretations of canonical texts, which saw the peaceful integration of different cultural and customary practices into the Islamic mainstream.
A large part of this social and political discourse - grossly neglected in the past few centuries - can be credited to the cultivation of Sufi practices that featured prominently in many of Islam's intellectual fields. Having flourished since the twelfth century, the quest of Sufism has been to uphold the inner and esoteric notions of traditional Islamic thought based on its sacred texts and character of the Prophet Muhammad. Its focus has been to explore the hidden truths of our existence through poetry, music and religiously inspired art.
But against the common perception that Sufi masters were only qualified to speak on spiritual matters, they too occupied an undeniable place in the physical sciences as part of their rational inquiries about nature and human development. Interestingly, the growth and expansion of Sufism occurred at a time when Greek philosophy and scientific development were highly valued in Muslim societies.
It coincided with extraordinary achievements in science and literature as many Muslim mystics produced exceptional works in philosophy, medicine, astronomy and the arts. Among these sages stood the poet and mathematician Omar Khayyam, widely regarded for his treatise on algebra, and the famous theologian al-Ghazali, who attempted to reconcile Sufism with the major theological and legal schools of Islam.
Women were not excluded from the list of notable mystics either. It is impossible to ignore; Islam is back in Kazakhstan. Seventeen years after the collapse of the Soviet Union and Kazakhstan's independence, Muslims, whether active or not, account for over two thirds of the country's population: Kazakhs, but also Usbeks, Uyghurs, Azerbaijanis, Kurds, Iranians and Turks.
Islamic Revival in Kazakhstan: A Pragmatic Islam - uketerinucuz.tk
While at the start of independence there were only sixty-eight Mosques in Kazakhstan, there are now over 2,, mostly built in the last few years. It was the first university in Kazakhstan where imams could be trained. Up till then this had only been possible in other countries. Now there is a second college, run by the DUMK.
The university has around students, and does not see itself solely as a religious educational establishment; it is possible to take BA and MA degrees in Arabic literature, English, comparative Islam studies or to train as a teacher. The only religious subject taught at the university, Islam, does not lead to an official qualification. The Kazakh minister for education refused to accredit the course, pointing to Kazakhstan's secularist constitution. Other Arab countries are involved with supporting Kazakhstan too. The largest mosque in the country, in Astana the capital, was a present from the Emir of Qatar.
Yershat Ongarov from DUMK does not see it as a problem that the revival of Islam in Kazakhstan was helped by foreign Muslims who came to central Asia immediately following the collapse of the Soviet Union. At the beginning of the s there was even talk of establishing an independent Islamic state on the territory occupied by Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Although this idea is no longer seriously being discussed, many experts say that the danger posed by religious extremism has increased in recent years.
The Kazakh anti-terrorist centre in Almaty ZAP has registered a growing number of cases where unconstitutional literature and incitements are being distributed. Last year alone, members of the pan-Islamic Hizb ut-Tahrir al-Islami were imprisoned and charged. Al-Qaida, the Uzbek Islamic movement and the Islamic party of east Turkistan are also seen as terrorist organisations whose activities are forbidden in Kazakhstan because they contravene the constitution. For most Kazakhs however Islam has nothing to do with fundamentalism. Nessip sees herself as a Muslim, but only goes to Mosque once a year at the most, for Eid al-Adha, the festival of sacrifice.
She is in her mid fifties, was socialised in the Soviet Union and saw herself as an atheist for many years. As friends and relatives increasingly began to get involved with Islam, she too became interested:"I tried to read the Koran, in Russian, but then I shelved it again. I couldn't relate to all those regulations," Nessip says.
She works for a tourist agency and her colleagues also see Islam more as a traditional aspect of their culture. Where then has this new desire to belong to a religion come from? The vacuum opened up by the absence of ideological organisations such as the Komsomol, was filled again by Islam," says Nadirowa.