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Moreover, its beginning and duration differ in different countries. In Germany, was suggested for a starting date, the year in which Christian Thomasius — first announced and held a university lecture in German instead of Latin, the standard language of discourse in universities. This dictionary was translated into German in the s under the supervision of Johann Christoph Gottsched — , and it exerted an influence on Gotthold Ephraim Lessing — , Johann Joachim Winckelmann — , on French philosophers and the Americans Benjamin Franklin — and Thomas Jefferson — For Germany, Enlightenment scholars often suggest the ascension of Frederick the Great of Prussia to the throne in as the beginning date.

The end of the Enlightenment is probably easier to date politically than intellectually. In France, one could point to , when Napoleon crowned himself emperor. In the rest of Europe the beginning of the Vienna Congress and the period of Restoration in might be set as an ending date. It was in this year that the journal Berlinische Monatsschrift, which had become the leading forum for German Enlightenment authors, ceased publication. Ultimately, these dates are only of minor importance, and it suffices to remember that the Enlightenment began in the late seventeenth century, gained momentum and peaked first in England in the first third of the eighteenth century, in France around mid-century and in Germany probably in the s and s.

In Great Britain, John Locke initiated the critical philosophy of the eighteenth century by examining the means and limitations of thought itself. David Hume — continued this investigation through his critique of the concepts of substance and causality, and arrived at the conclusion that knowledge should be conceptualized as probability rather than certainty. The same idea was developed by the Earl of Shaftesbury — and Adam Smith — , both of whom argue for a moral and communal sense as the basis of moral conduct.

In the Unites States, thinkers and statesmen like Jefferson, Franklin, and Thomas Paine — wedded Enlightenment thought with political praxis and based a newly founded nation on Enlightenment principles. Rational Metaphysics and Natural Law Enlightenment thought in Europe developed within the context of seventeenth-century rational metaphysics, that is, the systems of Descartes, Spinoza and Leibniz.

While all three philosophers were considered forerunners by Enlightenment thinkers in some respects, the Enlightenment also directly opposed other aspects of their complex metaphysical systems. The least influential of the three seems to have been Descartes, lauded for his methodological rigor, but simultaneously criticized for the attempt to extend his mathematical method to all areas of inquiry. A consequence of this finding, however, was the separation of cognition and matter, res cogitans and res extensa, as two different substances.

Descartes oriented himself at the theological discussion of the scholastics with this concept of substance, yet the notion of two different substances caused a number of problems that he could not convincingly solve. Spinoza suggests a collapse of creation and created substances, of God and nature, as well as of God and mind into one substance.

God, nature, and the mind should be considered all of the same substance. Body and soul are not two different substances, merely two attributes of the same substance. He is no longer the transcendent cause of the world, nor is his freedom unlimited; rather, he is bound to the necessity of natural laws. But on the other hand, the universe as a whole becomes deified, and matter loses its status as a lesser substance.

Moses Mendelssohn — , by pointing to his friend Lessing, argued that an enlightened pantheism is neither damaging for religion nor for morality. This controversy stirred up a significant reaction among contemporary German intellectuals and writers. Further, Spinoza was applauded by Enlightenment thinkers for his courageous support of freedom of speech and tolerance in the state.

Leibniz agreed with Descartes, Spinoza, and their scholastic precursors that all metaphysics rests on the concept of substance. Hence, he insists that all substances have an inherent potential to act, namely Kraft. Yet these substances, of which an endless number exists, cannot be influenced from the outside. Therefore, the sensualist solution to the problem of the interaction between matter and mind suggested by English philosophers was not convincing for Leibniz. It follows that the soul cannot be subject to causality, hence is free.

Leibniz also suggested that this harmony serves as indirect proof of God and as such perfect conformity must by necessity have a perfect cause. Leibniz also exerted an influence on the legal debates of the eighteenth century and became one of the pathbreaking thinkers of modern international law with his edition of documents from the history of international law, the Codex iuris gentium diplomaticus of Natural law generally refers to the postulation of a law that precedes all existing legal systems deemed to be positive law.

As such, natural law is considered to be based on cosmological, divine or anthropological facts that allow both a prescriptive relation to positive law as well as its critique. Obviously, the defense of natural law changed over time so that — in an oversimplified manner — we can detect a cosmological rationale in antiquity Plato, Aristotle which gives way to a theistic interpretation in the Middle Ages Thomas Aquinas and is in turn supplanted by an anthropological reading in the modern era.

In fact, it was during the age of absolutism that natural law was newly conceived from the perspective of social anthropology. Pufendorf argues that because man depends on society, natural law obliges him to be social and to serve his community. Thomasius agrees with Pufendorf in this respect; for him, too, religion and law can be separated. Ultimately, law is again defined as positive law: only that which can be enforced by means of political power must be deemed legal.

Hence, natural law remains an ethical principle, but no longer possesses legally binding force. Thomasius was also one of the first scholars to attack both the use of torture in legal proceedings and the prosecution of witches. In the latter, he was preceded by the Jesuit Friedrich von Spee, although Spee did not attack the belief in witches so much as their unfair treatment by 17 the legal system. In Germany, natural law theory underwent a process of individualization in the hands of Leibniz.

He argued that the individual possesses certain inborn and inalienable rights. This pronouncement was read by subsequent generations of Enlightenment philosophers to mean that all citizens have irrevocable rights which no state may withhold from them. In the early nineteenth century, natural law theories exerted a certain influence on political and economic liberalism as well as on early socialist thinkers, but soon after a decline set in.

What is Enlightenment? The s in Germany are characterized by the attempts of its leading thinkers to come to an understanding about the nature of Enlightenment. In the decades between and , the so-called popular philosophy had gained more and more ground. As the theoretical manifestation of Bildung, Enlightenment champions rational cognition and the ability to deliberate rationally. As a social being, man needs culture; when viewed as a human being outside the social sphere, Enlightenment suffices for him. The former can actually be detrimental to the social life, which ranks as the superior value.

When religion and morality are endangered by Enlightenment critique, one ought to privilege 19 prejudice over damaging inquiry. In the same year Kant published what would become the best-known text of the German Enlightenment, although it was neither its most coherent nor its most typical.

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Kant argues that laziness and cowardice are the reasons for the self-inflicted immaturity, and that the process of individual Enlightenment can only be initialized by an act of daring. In light of this, Kant modifies the Horacian imperative Sapere aude! Enlightenment for Kant is a long and slow process; revolutions do not lead to a reform of thought, but merely to new prejudices A The only precondition for societal Enlightenment is the freedom for the public use of reason. This freedom, however, is primarily the freedom of inquiry for the purpose of research.

When it comes to the sphere of civil government, it will often be required that the individual pursuit of truth be harnessed by the obligation to guarantee effective government. Enlightenment is not a state to be reached, but a continuous process. It is the natural development of the human race, and therefore it can only be stopped by means of force.

Yet interference with the process of Enlightenment must ultimately be considered a violation of human rights A Man is only at fault if he is unwilling to eman23 cipate himself from false authority. For him, the age was enlightened indeed, yet it was still barbaric. The German Sonderweg Regarding Religion In Germany, Enlightenment criticism of religion lacked the radicalism of anti-theological and anti-clerical thought that could be witnessed in England and France.

However, most European philosophers were united by one aspect of the discussion of religious faith, namely their support for confessional and general tolerance. Although several Enlightenment authors also cautioned that tolerance tout court can have harmful effects, Bayle, Locke, Spinoza, Voltaire, Lessing, and many others agreed that tolerance was a desirable character trait and the duty of ecclesiastic and political rulers. A general tendency in the theological debates of the eighteenth century was to emphasize questions of ethics over those of dogmatics, hence to underscore the practical dimension of faith.

Theologically, this criticism involved a paradigm shift away from the Augustinian-Thomasian tradition and toward the teachings of Pelagius who taught that man can overcome the evil aspect of his nature through and owing to the existence of his free will. Although it was decried as heretical by the Catholic Church, this ethics based on individual effort still possessed a strong appeal for a century intent on human betterment. Much of the critique of orthodox religion in Germany and elsewhere centered on the relation of reason and revelation. Leibniz, and even more his student Wolff, insisted that reason and revelation are not mutually exclusive, but complementary.

If this world is already as perfect as it can be imagined, one is hard pressed to see how it could be improved without revoking that feature which accounts for the existence of a certain amount of evil, namely the freedom of the will. Much like Leibniz and Wolff, the enlightened branch of eighteenthcentury theology, the so-called neologists, similarly stressed the coexistence of reason and revelation by emphasizing the reconcilability of the modern scientific worldview with Biblical teachings.

The Bible itself, however, became the object of renewed critical attention and was increasingly studied from the standpoint of historical-critical textual scholarship. Although most German theologians and philosophers retained the possibility of revelation, some thinkers — albeit a minority — went as far as to deny the possibility of all revealed religion.

Hermann Samuel Reimarus — was the best known author to argue against the possibility of all trans-rational forms of knowledge and insisted on a purely ethical religion. But this religion that was to develop some time in the future had to be clearly distinguished from Christianity as a dogmatic and confessional faith. Humankind is called upon to transform Christianity into a universal moral religion of reason, a new, eternal Gos28 pel.

Still, this stance did not lead Lessing to a denial of revelation. For him, though, revelation did not provide man with a type of knowledge that is different from that attained by reason. Kant, too, criticizes the theology of revelation without falling into agnosticism or atheism. In his Kritik der reinen Vernunft, he argues that God, freedom, and immortality cannot become objects of knowledge as they do not fall within the categories of our cognition.

In order to be duly rewarded, however, we must assume the immortality of the soul as well as the existence of God. God is removed from the sphere of cognition and at the same time turned into a postulate necessary for the grounding of practical philosophy. Philosophy of History Except for a few thinkers like Rousseau who viewed the history of civilization as a process of decline, most Enlightenment philosophers regarded history with great hope and a large dose of optimism.

In Germany, the most interesting debate — if one can call it such, as there was no back and forth between positions — was that between historical cosmopolitanism and historical nationalism. Kant was the most prominent and eloquent supporter of the first stance; the second position was advanced by Herder. Kant argued that the natural potentials of the human race would unfold in the realm of history. Since man is characterized by rationality, history too must be a rational process that leads to an ever richer employment of this and all other human faculties.

One must note, though, that Kant envisions perfection — or at least an approximation to it — not for the individual, but for the human race. The individual would have to live an eternal life in order to develop completely all his potential. Hence, perfection can only be achieved by the species that Kant considers to be eternal. In fact, it might even be that the individual has to suffer a loss of contentment in the interest of promoting collective happiness.

Because he surely abuses his liberty in respect to others. The means that nature uses to further historical development are primarily those of antagonism, struggle, revolution, and war. In this respect, Kant agrees with the Greek developmental theory that was based on the agon as the means for both individual and societal advancement. In this developmental scheme, the individual epochs within the history of the West as well as the non-Western cultures cannot claim any inherent value apart from their contribution to the ultimate aim of progress. Herder developed exactly the opposite vision of history.

He agrees with Kant that history is the continuation of natural evolution. But for him, cosmopolitanism is only one side of the historical coin. Certainly, the awareness of planetary cultural developments is a worthy and necessary project, yet it must not lead to the construction of an overarching process of cosmopolitan maturation that ultimately negates the right of existence of individual cultures. History, Herder argues, always brings forth new and unique forms of social life that cannot be reduced to a universal, generic form.

Rather, these individual expressions of human communality resist all efforts to construct a totalizing view of history. Weil eine Gestalt der Menschheit und ein Erdstrich es nicht fassen konnte, wards verteilt in tausend Gestalten, wandelt — ein ewiger Proteus! Because one form of humanity and one region could not contain it, it was split up into a thousand expressions, and wanders about — an eternal Proteus!

For Herder, world history is a process of palingenesis, an eternal rebirth that is nevertheless not circular, but adheres to an upward movement. This developmental scheme breaks with the principle of identity and emphasizes the insubsumable difference of all cultures. To the late twentieth and early twenty-first century, this intellectual position seems strikingly familiar. Anti-Rationalist Tendencies To equate the eighteenth century with the age of reason would be an unwarranted simplification and, hence, a falsification.

One of the staunchest forces to oppose reason was that movement within Protestantism called Pietism. Pietism reached the apex of its development in the first half of the eighteenth century under the influence of August Hermann Francke — , the founder of an orphanage and educational institutions in Halle, and Count Zinzendorf — , the founder of the Herrnhut in Saxony, other Pietist colonies, and of the Church of Brethren.

Rather than right teaching orthodoxy , Pietism emphasized the practical moment of faith, the praxis pietatis. This practical faith placed substantial emphasis on humility, defended the necessity of a spiritual crisis that precedes conversion, advocated withdrawal from the world and the subsequent integration into a community of believers following the severing of previous social bonds, and elevated religious sentiment over all cognitive aspects of faith. One of the strongest links between the religious movement of Pietism and the philosophical and literary circles of eighteenth century Germany was 37 Johann Georg Hamann — , who was raised as a Pietist.

Hamann argued that reason cannot prove the existence of our selves and our reality, but these must be believed before they can be examined. It follows that faith, too, is not a matter of reason, and can neither be logically demonstrated nor refuted, as faith does not rest on reason. Not the language of scientific inquiry or of rational exegesis provides us with ultimate insights, but poetry and love. Much like Hamann, Jacobi was also influenced by Pietist religiosity. In his two novels, Aus Eduard Allwills Papieren —76 and Woldemar , he aimed to demonstrate the superiority of immediate sensations over abstract rationality.

But this procedure necessarily leads to an infinite regress that moves from argument to argument without ever arriving at something absolutely certain. Hence, this mode of thinking is doomed to proceed without reaching a knowledge that is no longer contingent upon other facts. It is like a chain that is not anchored, it dangles within nothingness. Therefore, Jacobi charged that rationalism led to nihilism a term that Jacobi introduces into the philosophical debate , the advocacy of nothingness. What man is looking for, however, namely the certainty of the absolute, will only reveal itself to him in religious sentiment.

Yet in order to arrive at faith, a person must first free himself from the limitations of the rational method that blocks the access to the absolute. With these ideas, Jacobi influenced especially the early Romantics Novalis — , Schleiermacher — , and Schelling — , among others. Novalis for example argued in his critique of Enlightenment that the hostility against organized religion eventually had to turn into hatred of all imagination and art. None of these artistic articulations found more genuine support by Enlightenment philosophy than any other.

In fact, while some Enlightenment philosophers were also the authors of works of fiction — Diderot, Voltaire, Lessing, and Wieland readily come to mind — others were suspicious of the poetic imagination in general. They argued that the fancy of the writers of fiction stems from the same source as the religious imagination, and both are equally prone to muddying the clear waters of reason. Hence, critical philosophy 42 must keep poetry from contaminating Enlightenment thought. By and large, however, Enlightenment thinkers supported freedom of artistic expression and did not seem to concern themselves with the stylistic form this expression took.

One aspect of eighteenth-century thought, however, was meant to have a large impact on the intellectual history of the following time, and that is the emergence of philosophical aesthetics. Naturally, artists and thinkers have always reflected on the nature of art and beauty, but these two topics were not necessarily seen as interrelated. Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten — introduced aesthetics as a separate philosophical discipline with the intention to strengthen the rationalist metaphysics of Leibniz and Wolff by emphasizing the epistemological relevance of sensual perception.

He argues that sensuality is not merely a hindrance or a truncated form of rational cognition, but rather its precondition. Furthermore, aesthetics has its own truth claim that retains the richness and multifacetedness of sensual material, an immediacy that gets lost in rational cognition. Baumgarten defines beauty as the perfection of sensual cognition, and hence art as the manifestation of the beautiful aims to represent the purposeful unity and harmony of the world. True art, however, depends on the correct application of rules which aesthetics as the science of art and beauty is to develop.

With this proposition, Baumgarten exerted some influence on the Regelpoetiken normative poetics of the eighteenth century that continued the baroque tradition of Opitz and others. While Baumgarten strove to gain acceptance for the cognitive relevance of the sensual and of art, Mendelssohn emphasized the pleasurable sensation induced by the perfection of art and beauty.

His aesthetics constitute the link between the rationalism of Leibniz and Wolff and the aesthetics of the classicists Goethe, Schiller, Wilhelm von Humboldt, and others. A judgment of taste, Kant argues, does not refer to any qualities of the object, but merely to the feeling of pleasure or displeasure experienced by the subject. It has no connection to our rational judgments, and hence beauty as the object of the judgment of taste does not relate to insight and cognition. Beauty grants us pleasure because the richness of the aesthetic material can never be subsumed under a concept.

Art for Kant is the product of a genius, who is able to make a manmade product look as if it were created by nature. Rather, the beautiful in art and nature functions as a symbol of the good. Yet for him, a stronger historical and anthropological grounding was necessary in order to convincingly establish aesthetics. Rather, the only way to create a republic of free and equal members is by detour through an aesthetic education that mediates between the natural state of man and the utopian vision of humanity. Before philosophical aesthetics united systematic analysis with historical interpretations of art, especially in the works of Schelling and Hegel, two thinkers of the eighteenth century already combined detailed analyses of artworks with theoretical speculation: Johann Joachim Winckelmann and Lessing.

To be successful, even to be original — as paradoxical as that may sound — mimesis was not to take nature as its origin, but rather the works of antiquity. Although Winckelmann later insisted more strongly on the uniqueness of classical art and hence on the impossibility of repeating this period, he continued to uphold ancient art as normative instances for all artistic beauty. Such insistence on the sensual nature of beauty further strengthened the antirationalist tendencies of philosophical aesthetics as developed by Baumgarten.

While painting is spatial, poetry is temporal. From this difference Lessing concludes that literature is the superior art, for it has a wider variety of materials at its disposal, because unlike painting, it never arrests an image in a moment of time, but can always overcome even the most gruesome and disturbing moment by another more benign representation. Painting and sculpture are unable to do so, their representations remain fixed, and are thus limited to more acceptable material.

Lessing ultimately argues against the Horacian doctrine of ut pictura poesis, the theory that views literature as a form of painting. Philosophical aesthetics would soon advance from its marginal position in Enlightenment discourse to the center of philosophical debates. This form of reason was to be replaced by an aesthetic Symphilosophie, a use of thought aimed at the unification of its separate moments.

However, the thinkers of the romantic generation no longer saw the highest unity, that is, the unity of the absolute, in operations of analytic reason, but rather in the experience of art. Within one hundred years, the hierarchy of sensuality and reason, aesthetic perception and abstraction had been reversed.

Situated between Leibniz and Schelling, the Enlightenment can from one perspective seem more a farewell to an old world than the dawn of a new age. In Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe. Historisches Lexikon zur politisch-sozialen Sprache Deutschlands, ed. Horst Brunner et al. Stuttgart: Klett, , 1: — Reference on p. For a contemporary document, see e. Koelln and J. Pettegrove Boston: Beacon Press, , 8.

Jochen Schmidt Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, , — Hans Heinz Holz Frankfurt a. Ehrhard Bahr Stuttgart: Reclam, , 3—8. Many other contributions to the Enlightenment debate of the s are readily accessible in this volume. Wilhelm Weischedel, 9th ed. Frankfurt a. According to philosophical citation standards and in order to facilitate the verification of quotes for users of English language editions, I will not give the page numbers of the German edition, but rather the internationally used pagination of the original A and B editions.

The above quote can be located on A Act III, Scene 7. Kritik der praktischen Vernunft, A , A The Enlightenment note 3 , 1: 32— Challenges to rationalism have never abated, but in order to remain valid in the new philosophy of the s and s, religious and classical authorities could no longer be taken on faith, they had to be proven to be correct. German rhetoric was rigorously subjected to the rules of logic. Literary genres, poetic imagery, and figurative speech had to adhere to principles of morality and verisimilitude.

A new breed of literary critics would soon analyze literary texts as aesthetic objects. By the late-eighteenth century, literature had become self-reflexive. The inexorable victory of reason was rendered possible by literacy in the vernacular. German linguistic reformers sought to persuade large segments of academia and the aristocracy to use the vernacular instead of Latin and French and forcefully developed rules to unify German spelling, grammar, and syntax across regional dialects. Print media became the tool to popularize the new philosophy of reason, and the audience for literary and journalistic texts expanded from the local to the national, from specialists and the elite to generalists and a wider urban audience.

Oral culture — including sermons, tales, extemporaneous dramatic productions — lost currency as more readers turned to books. Similarly, visual culture grew relatively less important as affordable texts — without expensive illustrations — were mass produced. As book culture evolved, text increasingly dominated imaginations. Obviously, such massive changes evolved only gradually over many decades, but in the first half of the eighteenth century no one worked harder for literary reforms in Germany than Johann Christoph Gottsched — He had predecessors, aides and critics, but he was the single most effective mobilizing force for a modern German literature.

He was rather a synthesizer, promoter, and popularizer, arguably the greatest in German cultural history. In these roles his energy, comprehensive vision, and organizational skills have rarely been matched. He published several journals — both for professional and more general readers — to advance the cause of modern German culture.

In addition to his own tireless activity, Gottsched possessed the ability to motivate others. He maintained an active correspondence with scholars and pedagogues throughout Europe and Germany. Leipzig as Cultural Center When Gottsched arrived in Leipzig in as a student, the Saxon city of around 24, inhabitants was one of several culturally significant cities in Germany. European traders brought their wares to Leipzig twice yearly, and local manufacturers prospered from the fairs.

Among the important objects produced or traded in the city were books. Leipzig also boasted a major university. This combination of trade fairs, book manufacture, and a major university made Leipzig an important intellectual center in Germany. Even other culturally vital cities — shipping centers like Hamburg or the other major publishing center Frankfurt am Main — did not have this unique combination of commerce and learning.

Still, cultural changes came slowly. In , for instance, the progressive philosophy professor Christian Thomasius — was attacked when he argued forcefully against the persecution of people accused of witchcraft in De Crimine Magiae Orthodox Lutheranism dominated the municipality, scholasticism the university.

As elsewhere in Germany that university culture was dominated linguistically by Latin. These were by no means all gallant. Occasional poetry was widely written in Germany. Professional men — lawyers, professors, and doctors — and some women wrote poetry for private celebrations, amusements, and ceremonies. They memorialized marriages, promotions, graduations, birthdays, and funerals in verse. They wrote each other letters in verse. Public occasions were commemorated by those seeking attention and rewards for their efforts.

Men 5 and women also engaged in writing religious poetry. Mencke had long been training himself in a simpler, more modern style by translating the early Greek lyric poet Anacreon and writing his own gallant poetry under the pseudonym Philander von der Linde. One of his themes became the plight of poets who could not earn a livelihood from their craft.

While some readers admired his talent, many contemporary critics focused on what they perceived to be immoral behavior, considering the expression of amorous sentiments to have improper, all too personal origins. Allegations to this effect followed him even after he became a practicing physician.

In the effort to overcome the cumbersome baroque style, German gallant poets foundered on the conflict between the frivolity of the Anacreontic tradition favored by the aristocracy and the earnest moral standards of the learned, religious, middle-class, non-aristocratic audience. The wealthy and relatively independent patrician, Christiane Mariane von Ziegler — , wrote both religious and gallant poetry.

The widowed daughter of a former Leipzig mayor, Ziegler hosted a salon in the s and early s. Writing verse was a popular form of entertainment for leisure hours. Poetry provided amusement or promoted sociability, sometimes it became a parlor game. Very popular were games in verse. Rhymes for poetic lines were given and each guest wrote a poem using words that rhymed with those of the model.

He soon began tutoring her in prosody and, in time, supported her publicly as a writer and a poet. On his recommendation she was invited to become a member of the Deutsche Gesellschaft , admitted and crowned imperial poet laureate Gottsched aimed to rival this gallant French achievement in Germany and recognized the hitherto neglected presence and ability of women poets and readers from the upper middle class and educated aristocracy in Germany. Gottsched would strive to involve women, especially as readers, in his literary activities.

Ziegler also advocated expanding the public roles of literary women. Sachen reichen. Under the influence of Mencke and Gottsched, Ziegler developed a clearer style. Her social status as a patrician was not sufficient to insulate her from such diatribes. Eventually Gottsched tired of defending her and, especially after his marriage in , distanced himself from her.

Language and Style from the Baroque to Neoclassicism The dominant discourses in the early seventeenth century were mainly religious or social — gallant pleasantries, reportage, and celebrations of local events or of wine, women and song. The German language itself was an obstacle to those who promoted these ideas, as academicians trained in Latin and aristocrats trained in French were ill-equipped to use German with intellectual subtlety.

When Gottsched embarked on his reforms, there was no standard grammar, nor a standard orthography. Differences in regional dialects appeared in poetry, affecting not only rhyme and scansion, but also grammar and even basic coherence. Vernacular stylistic and rhetorical models were, in terms of the classical triad grand, middle, low , either too high or too low for general and rational discourses on intellectual matters. The former was the style used at the courts in Vienna or Dresden — lengthy, convoluted sentences, replete with foreign loan words and expressions of servile obeisance.

The so-called Second Silesian School, literature of the late baroque, had favored elaborate Italian Marinism, found in the poetry of Silesian Christian Hoffmann von Hoffmannswaldau — and erudite Spanish allusion from the dramas of his compatriot, Daniel Caspar von Lohenstein — These two styles — the chancery style and the Second 19 Silesian School — shared certain traits. They were rich, even opulent in extravagant and profuse imagery, epithets, synonyms, repetitions, had a vocabulary of foreign usually French or Latin extraction, and convoluted syntax with heavy emphasis on periphrasis and subordinate clauses.

This was a literature whose primary purpose was sociability — manners and affections; it cultivated a refined, sometimes artificial and affected style of expression. Long desired and discussed, the task of setting the standard was daunting due to regional rivalries and the absence of linguistic standards. This gave Gottsched a position from which to engage in his linguistic activities.

Gottsched had hoped the Society would compile a dictionary and a grammar. In the end the dictionary never appeared, but Gottsched produced a grammar. As the work gathered momentum and took on canonical authority, it standardized German spelling, grammar, word formation, and syntax and was adopted in many schools throughout the German states.

His guiding principles, he claimed, had been the practices of the best authors and nature itself objectivity. In reality his standard appeared biased as it was based on the Meissen dialect in Saxony. As he wrote in the preface to the first edition the Deutsche Sprachkunst was designed for youth, those who had not attended university, soldiers, scribes, and young ladies. As early as in his Unterricht von der Teutschen Sprache und Poesie Lessons in German Language and Poetry Daniel Georg Morhof — had excoriated baroque Schwulst bombastic style , but this book had not brought about a radical departure from the late baroque high style.

Here, too, Gottsched did more than anyone to establish a German style for the new fashion in literature. The stylistic ideals of Gottsched and other Germans in the early eighteenth century replicated those asserted by the French neoclassicist academicians under Louis XIV: conciseness, restriction of imagery and participles, connexio realis connections based not on language [connexio verbalis], but on content.

Of overriding importance in the consideration of style was the new criterion of reason. It should govern both content and mode of expression. Sentences should not only follow logically, they should also be constructed logically, unfolding in a natural, reasoned way. Language should be appropriate to its content, not redundant, exaggerated, or overly servile. Whatever he translated or wrote appeared in clear, elegant sentences. In particular, when it was a matter of satirizing exaggerated or illogical style, her lively and humorous imagination was pressed into service.

In alliance with the philosopher Wolff was no trivial matter. The year before, Wolff had been ordered by Friedrich Wilhelm I r. The opportunity to win such an intellect to the university in Leipzig was foiled by orthodox Lutherans and scholastic academicians. Used by students in classrooms, but also by readers outside the classroom — men and women alike — this text became the standard introduction to modern philosophy for many Germans for at least the next fifty years.

Through this work alone Gottsched might have earned a place in German cultural history. These are the German poets Gottsched frequently cited as models for his compatriots. While these authors had already paid tribute to Boileau, it was Gottsched who more forcefully articulated and successfully popularized neoclassical ideas, most notably in Critische Dichtkunst. This position was clear already in his first Leipzig publication.

Le Clerc was concerned with classical authors and with improving poetry in the French vernacular. Only if modern poets wrote in the vernacular, he asserted, could they acquire the stature of the ancients and free themselves of the slavery of imitation. Classical authors might exhibit superior poetical skills, but for Le Clerc their themes, imagery, and philosophy had been rendered obsolete. Le Clerc revealed inconsistencies, illogicalities, and natural impossibilities in texts by Homer, Virgil, Horace, and others.

He argued that those who recommended the classics for their moral lessons were in error, for these were often contradictory and did not hold up to Christian scrutiny. Equally important, the authors of these famed texts aimed foremost at seducing the reader with the beauty of their language. They lulled reason to sleep with their pleasant cadences. Indeed, implicit in this modernist critique of the classics were the fundamental tenets of neoclassicism: verisimilitude 33 and morality.

In accordance with Aristotle, Gottsched also argued that literature should accurately represent nature and reality. The occasional and gallant literature that dominated German culture in the early eighteenth century sought to entertain, to please, and to be sociable. It could not fulfill the high moral purpose that Gottsched and his associates envisioned for it.

Its stylistic norms did not and could not accurately represent emotional or natural reality. Whether a text was classical or not Gottsched applied the modern, that is Wolffian, standard of reason. In Critische Dichtkunst he replaced the rules of poetics with standards of verisimilitude and decency. To imitate nature plausibly poets should not restrict themselves either to mere description or to mere imitation of speech, in drama or role poems.

Rather, a poet should find a sequence of events, a 34 Fabel, that illustrates the invisible workings of reason. An event is then plausible wahrscheinlich , even if not historically accurate. Like Aesop in his fables, poets render the public a service by dressing dry precepts in attractive garments. However, while no one seriously believes in talking animals, it is another matter where witches, ghosts, devils, and angels are concerned.

These figures, popular in literature of the late baroque, should be avoided because they are not real. Gottsched faulted Milton and Shakespeare, in part, for having introduced such characters. Representing them in poetry transgresses the principles of imitation and encourages superstition. That is irrational. Of the many genres for which Gottsched provided historical development and logical principles in Critische Dichtkunst, his treatment of tragedy and comedy have most interested literary critics and historians.

Unlike Boileau, Gottsched addressed an audience that was primarily non-aristocratic and did not attend the theater. In Critische Dichtkunst he elucidated the rational principles on which a new, modern theater could be based. A play that disrupted the unity of time, place, or action could not be said to be a good example of the imitation of reality when the illusion of reality was expected.

Baroque opera with its elaborate machinery, fantastic events and characters, and intrusive musical accompaniment could not meet his neoclassical requirements for imitating nature. Reason also required characters of mixed morals, neither totally virtuous nor totally sinful.


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Because the same philosophical material could receive treatment in different genres, the nature of these determined the character of a text. The style should also be elevated if it is to inspire awe. Since comedy evokes laughter, its characters should be of low origin and its style may be low. As early as he had begun to provide a German-language repertoire for theatrical groups to perform. Successive volumes contained increasing numbers of original plays in German as opposed to translations.

An enormously popular success at the time because of its stand against tyranny, literary historians — quite reasonably — have nonetheless found little to admire in this patchwork tragedy. An innocent clergyman was even arrested as the presumed author, for Luise Gottsched wisely published this satire anonymously. Literary historians have often judged these comedies to be somewhat schematic, but newer interpretations suggest there are subtleties that still need to be explored.

German courts generally showed little interest in German plays but favored French drama or Italian opera. Permanent theatrical structures were built only for courts and aristocrats. Churches offered religious plays, and Latin schools had a strong, flourishing tradition of student productions in German. There were wandering minstrels and traveling acting companies extemporizing in pubs, barns, attic spaces, tents, or temporary stages in the market square.

Standing theaters for the bourgeois middle class were to develop gradually only in the second half of the eighteenth century. Actress and theater director Caroline Neuber — and her husband, theater manager Johann Neuber — , had been attempting to reform German theater for about five years when they entered into a practical association with Gottsched in They had performed French neoclassical plays in German translation at courts in Braunschweig, Weissenfels, and elsewhere. Some of these had been written by a member of her company, some by Gottsched, his apprentices, or others.

Caroline Neuber reformed theatrical practice to conform to rationalist principles of verisimilitude. At courts in Dresden, Braunschweig, and Hanover she had seen French companies and studied their diction, gestures, and staging. She began disciplining her troupe. To protect the reputation of actors in general, unmarried actresses lived with the Neubers. Insofar as her budget and contemporary morality permitted, costumes were historicized. She discarded the crowns and stars made of tinsel and paper. Romans no longer dressed in hoop skirts. Improvisation yielded to memorization.

Actors trained their voices to orate rhymed Alexandrines and their bodies to move in pre-determined gestures. The new emphasis on text and author enhanced the possibility of directing a consistent moral to the audience. When, for financial reasons, the Neubers were obliged to perform older favorite plays, Caroline revised them by omitting the scenes most offensive to new tastes. In these she usually presented allegorical figures who spoke on behalf of theatrical reform.

The Hanswurst was a stock comic, often obscene, character of the slapstick variety that could not well be integrated into the high moral role now proposed for the theater. Together the Neubers, Gottsched, and his associates succeeded in drawing the attention of the educated elite to the cultural possibilities of the theater. By the s neoclassical plays had been performed for non-aristocratic audiences in cities like Hamburg, Frankfurt, and Leipzig. As others began reaping the rewards of her innovations, she encountered difficulties obtaining licenses and a suitable stage in Leipzig.

When Empress Anna of Russia invited her troupe to Russia, she saw it as a way to salvage her company. But the empress died and Neuber had ruptured her relationship with Gottsched. In Leipzig in September she performed in the prologue Der allerkostbarste Schatz The Most Precious Treasure , a satire about a learned pedant presumed by many to have represented Gottsched. This performance precipitated the irrevocable break with Gottsched and provided fuel for his detractors.

The Gottsched Era: An Assessment Gottsched made a signal contribution to the development of modern literature in German. He labored successfully for the introduction of rationalist principles in philosophy, language, and literature. His introduction to the fundamentals of philosophy; his grammar, rhetoric, and literary handbooks Weltweisheit, Sprachkunst, Redekunst, and Critische Dichtkunst became staples in German schools virtually until the end of the eighteenth century. His efforts to reform the German stage were pathbreaking. But his influence on the development of book culture, also fostered by his numerous journals, was enormous and has yet to be adequately appreciated even today.

His efforts on behalf of the theater are often given passing mention only to be followed by the harshest criticism of his literary reforms, characterized most often as pedantic and unimaginative. Arguably this assessment is correct. However these opinions have often colored his reception by literary historians to the neglect of his other achievements and particularly of his critical role in the development of modernity in Germany.

Beginning in the late s and intensifying dramatically around both Gottscheds faced harsh criticism from critics in Switzerland, Hamburg, and Dresden in particular.

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International and national developments in literature quickly overcame his position. His literary reforms laid the foundations for German modernity. Munich: K. Saur, , Between and philosopher Christian Wolff wrote works in German, but returned thereafter to Latin to reach a larger audience among European intellectuals. One could consult an aerarium Schatzkammer, treasury for poetic words or phrases, but many collected their own. Gottlieb Siegmund Corvinus, Frauenzimmerlexicon ; rpt.

Among the new literary models in Leipzig were also light French odes; indeed in France, England, and Italy the elegant poetry of Anacreon had been translated at least a century earlier. Anne Dacier translated his poetry into prose in , but a third edition with verse translations added appeared in Most agreed that the Greek poet was not very profound.


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Jahrhundert Stuttgart: Metzler, , 57— Publishers usually paid a fixed rate on a per page basis. How much more offensive was one who permitted her gallant poetry to be published and received public honors for it. See also Goodman, Amazons and Apprentices, 94— The complex periods of Cicero as opposed to the more concise Seneca remained influential in Germany longer than in France, where they lost most of their exemplary stature in the seventeenth century.

See Eric A. Membership was restricted to 40 and had to be approved by the king. Its charter stated that it owed respect to its protector. The academy was explicitly charged with the production of a dictionary, grammar, and handbooks for rhetoric and poetics. Gottsched responded that he — and the Leipzig Deutsche Gesellschaft — would produce them. He had planned to have contributors for the dictionary from all over Germany, but this enterprise never materialized.

He was more successful with the grammar. After the rights expired in , further editions appeared. In all there were fifteen by Indeed it was still in print at the beginning of the nineteenth century. See the essay by Helga Brandes in this volume. The most controversial, however, did not: Die Pietisterey im Fischbeinrocke and Die Horatier appeared anonymously. Le Clerc was a protestant theologian born in Geneva and editor of three journals published in the Netherlands.

Gottsched reissued the translation fifteen years later, in , toward the beginning of his dispute with the Swiss Bodmer and Breitinger. Mitchell Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, , This group amused itself producing translations. In the end he translated the first three and a half acts from Deschamps and the last one and a half from Addison. Roughly lines are original. Kord suggests a radical difference of literary judgment between Johann Christoph and Luise Gottsched. For more on the relationship between the Gottscheds, see Katherine R.

Her comedies appeared anonymously, but her tragedy appeared under her name. The journal, the periodical literature of the eighteenth century, provided the key medium for bourgeois society; this chapter focuses on the journal as a new medium in the era of Enlightenment. The Literary Marketplace In the eighteenth century the literary market consisted of, above all, authors, the book trade, journals, literary critics, and the reading public. Major changes occurred in a rapid expansion of the market as reflected in the catalogues of the Leipzig and the Frankfurt book fairs.

In , the number of new titles listed in these catalogues had risen since by ; during the next forty years from to the rate of new titles grew tenfold 2, more books appeared in than in Around about new titles entered the market annually; during the s and s there were about 5, each year. Between and , new journals were founded; between and , and 2, between and Publishing in France similarly progressed at a rapid pace, especially under the influence of the Revolution. In one could choose among ten or so Paris and provincial journals; in there were about titles, and that number had doubled by the following year: the revolution had unleashed a paper flood.

First, the nature of publications had changed: the dominance of Latin gradually gave way to German publications. At the beginning of the century 60 percent of all books were still written in Latin; by this picture had changed, as 75 percent of all books were then in German. Along with the process of secularization came a steep decline in theological and religious books. Sie ermuntern die beiden Freunde, das Alphabet gut zu lernen. Wind kommt auf und fegt die beiden Freunde nach unten in die Buchstabenstadt. Nach zwei Texten von J. Aus kleinen Motiven entwickelt sich die klanglich fantastische Musik, die von zwei Texten Goethes inspiriert wurde.

Die Klarinette wird mit einigen Solostellen bedacht. Das Werk basiert auf der Musik der 6. Er sitzt auf einem veralteten Schiff, erinnert sich an die Reise und bereut seinen Verrat an Medea. Jason ist aber in Gedanken, sodass er nichts bemerkt und geht mit dem Schiff unter.

Dann aber kommt doch noch schwer dampfend und schnaubend die Mythologie aus Urzeiten ins Spiel, beredt und in oft dunklen Farben. Medea ist sich ihres vergeudeten und schuldvollen Lebens bewusst. Sie ist bereit, sich selbst anzuklagen und ihrem Leben ein Ende zu setzen. Es ist ein Festtag und das Volk ist in Vorfreude auf die kommenden Rituale. Medea steht am Rande eines Felsens.

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe

Medea schweigt. Verwirrt sucht er seine Kinder. Aigeus schaltet sich ein. Ein Leitmotiv zieht sich durch die Symphonie und schichtet die Komposition, die von Satz zu Satz unterschiedliche Entwicklungen aufweist. Einer Einleitung folgt ein dunkler Satz mit hellen Motiven Kindheit. Satz enden. Satz wird um die Verluste getrauert. Der Titel [ So entstand das Byzantine Concerto: Es ist eine Huldigung sowohl an unser byzantinisches Erbe als auch unsere kulturellen Wurzeln. Eine hochbegabte Frau. Bei der Besetzung und im harmonischen Geschehen arbeitet sie sensibel mit Klangfarben.

Vertont ist der italienische Text eines unbekannten Autors, eine Paraphrase des Psalms in Versform. Die Realisation durch ein Vokalquartett ist ebenfalls denkbar. Das umfangreiche Werk basiert auf einem Libretto Pietro Metastasios. Accompagnato Abramo, Isacco 57 3. Aria Isacco 71 4.

Accompagnato Abramo, Angelo 89 5. Aria Angelo 94 6. Accompagnato Abramo, Gamari, Sara 7. Aria Abramo 8. Accompagnato Sara, Isacco, Gamari 9. Aria Isacco Recitativo Gamari, Sara Aria Sara Recitativo Gamari Aria Gamari Coro Pastori Parte Secunda Accompagnato Sara Accompagnato Gamari, Sara Accompagnato Sara, Gamari, Isacco, Abramo Aria Abramo Recitativo Gamari, Sara, Isacco, Abramo Aria e Coro Sara, Servi Accompagnato Abramo, Angelo Aria Angelo Accompagnato Sara, Isacco, Abramo Klavierpart vergleichbar mit Haydn oder Dittersdorf.

Saverio Mattei geschrieben hat. Eine durchaus bemerkenswerte Erkenntnis angesichts des Programms. Tatjana Mehner am Geburtstag von Emilie Mayer, Komponistin aus Friedland. Ihre Sinfonie Nr. Mel Bonis hat dieser meditativen Weihnachtsmusik die Form eines Wiegenliedes gegeben. Juni im Theater Trier. Der zweite Satz steht in der Rondoform, er ist dynamisch und farbig untermalt durch das Pizzicato des Orchesters. Die Arbeit ist eine Orchestrierung von Mulsants Doppelquartett op. Die Sinfonie ist die Orchestrierung des Streichquartetts op.

Auftrag von Radio France. Das Anliegen, dem Werk eine formale Einheit zu geben, fi ndet man in dem inneren Zusammenhang zwischen dem 1. Satz sowie dem 2. Satz verwirklicht.

Der 3. Hier wird mit vollkommen anderem Material gearbeitet wird. In der Stadt, in der sie geboren und beerdigt wurde, kennt sie kaum jemand. Chisholm war insbesondere von den Lebensbedingungen der jungen Frauen schockiert. Viele ihrer Sozialreformen wurden im Parlament verabschiedet.

Viele wollten dort bleiben und sie half ihnen dabei, einen Wohnsitz und eine Arbeit zu finden. Instrumentation: With either a reduced orchestra strings and b. Als er sich daraufhin von ihr trennen will, fleht sie ihn an, sich den Konventionen zu widersetzen und bei ihr zu bleiben. Als Maleen laut um ihr Leben fleht, kommt ihr der Prinz zu Hilfe. Die Handlung wendet sich zum Guten. Die Komponistin Ruth Schonthal wurde in Hamburg geboren. Dirigent: Paul Dunkel. Dolce e tranquillo, 2. Allegro moderato, 3. Moderato, 4. Senza misura, 6. Friedlich, mit einigen dramatischen Kontrasten. Kennzeichnend ist eine komplizierte lyrische Harfenkadenz.

Viele ihrer Werke erschienen in mehreren Auflagen. Die sechs Konzerte op. Sie gelten als Lombardinis reifste Arbeiten. Auf einen von der Sonatenform inspirierten freien Satz folgt eine Art Passacaglia. Satz erinnert an einen spanischen Tanz. Ein besonders wirkungsvoller Effekt wird bei einer getrennten Positionierung der Gruppen erreicht, insbesondere wenn die Gruppen wie in der geometrischen Form eines Hexagramms angeordnet werden. Die Komposition beruht auf der musikalischen Verwirklichung eines Zahlenspiels mit der Zahl 6.

Auch im Thema — es besteht aus sechs Takten — findet sich der spielerische Umgang mit dieser Zahl. Dabei entsprechen die sechs Orchestersegmente den Einzelstimmen einer Fuge, deren Reiz vor allem auf einem harmonisch vielschichtigen Zusammenklang beruht. Inhalt Cantar de la luna Bamba Varia Drama Alma Coconut Cracker Passion absoluta Rumba Clati