Guide King Hwuy of Leang (from The works of Mencius) & The Doctrine of the Mean

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Page 97 - For there is no remembrance of the wise more than of the fool for ever; seeing that which now is in the days to come shall all be forgotten. And how dieth the wise man? Therefore I hated life ; because the work that is wrought under the sun is grievous unto me: for all is vanity and vexation of spirit. Page - Owe no man any thing, but to love one another, for he that loveth another hath fulfilled the law. Page 49 - Therefore an intelligent ruler will regulate the livelihood of the people, so as to make sure that, above, they shall have sufficient wherewith to serve their parents, and below, sufficient wherewith to support their wives and children Page - Some labor with their minds, and some labor with their strength.

Those who labor with their minds govern others ; those who labor with their strength are governed by others. Those who are governed by others support them; those who govern others are supported by them. Page - They are only men of education, who, without a certain livelihood, are able to maintain a fixed heart. I should cause there to be no reason to repair the city walls, the moats and ditches to be crossed by no foeman, and the swords and spears to be melted into tools of agriculture.

I should cause the whole world to have no calamity of warfare anywhere for thousands of years," and Confucius is reported to have said, "What I wish is the plan of the son of Yen. In the "Great Model," however, Confucius yet more clearly sets forth the utilitarian basis of all government, asserting that it is instituted among men to secure for them the five blessings and secure them against the six calamities.

The five blessings are: Ample means, long life, health, virtuous character, and an agreeable personal appearance; the six calamities, early death, sickness, misery, poverty, a repulsive appearance, and weakness. Certainly these, as objects to be attained by civil government, embrace all that even the most enlightened peoples of modern times aim at, hope for, and struggle to achieve.

In the "History of Han" chap. The number of farmers decreased, and that of merchants increased. Grain was insufficient, but luxurious goods were plenty. Each state had a different political system, and each family had different customs. The physical desires were uncontrolled, and extravagant consumption and social usurpation had no end. Therefore, the merchant transported goods which were difficult to obtain; the artisans produced articles which had no practical use; and the student practised ways which were contrary to orthodoxy; all of them pursued the temporary fashion for the getting of money.

The hypocritical people turned away from truth in order to make fame, and guilty men ran risks in order to secure profit. While those who took the states by the deed of usurpation or regicide became kings or dukes, the men who founded their rich families by robbery became heroes. Morality could not control the gentlemen, and punishment could not make the common people afraid. Among the rich, the wood and earth wore embroidery, and the dog and horse had a superabundance of meat and grain. But, among the poor, even the coarsest clothes could not be completed; beans made their food and water was their drink.

Although they were all in the same rank of common people, the rich, by the power of wealth, raised. Therefore, those who were deceitful and criminal were comfortable and proud in the world, but those who held principles and followed reason could not escape hunger and cold. Such an influence came from the government, because there was no regulation to control the economic life.

In the "Li Ki" Confucius lays bare the cause which creates such consequences, thus: "The small man, when poor, feels the pinch of his straitened circumstances; and when rich, is liable to become proud. Under the pinch of that poverty, he may proceed to steal; and when proud, he may proceed to deeds of disorder. The social rules recognize these feelings of men, and lay down definite regulations for them, to serve as preventions for the people. Hence, when the sages distributed riches and honours, they made the rich not have power enough to be proud; and kept the poor from being pinched and the honourable men not be intractable to those above them.

In this way the causes of disorder would more and more disappear. And Tung Chung-Shu says of these conditions: "It is said by Confucius, 'We are not troubled with fears of poverty, but are troubled with fears of a lack of equality of wealth. Great riches make. When they are wretched, they would become robbers; when they are proud, they would become oppressors; it is human nature.

From the nature of the average man, the sages discovered the origin of disorder. Therefore, when they established social laws and divided up the social orders, they made the rich able to show their distinction without being proud, and the poor able to make their living without misery; this was the standard for the equalization of society. In this way, wealth was sufficient, and the high and low classes were peaceful. Hence, society was easily governed well. In the present day, the regulations are abandoned, so that everyone pursues what he wants.

As human wants have no limit, the whole society becomes indulgent without end. The great men of the high class, notwithstanding they have great fortune, lament the insufficiency of their wealth; while the small people of the lower classes are depressed. Therefore, the rich increase in eagerness for money, and do not wish to do good with it; while the poor violate the laws every day, and nothing can stop them.

Hence, society is difficult to govern well. The Nourishment of the People. When a country is ill governed, riches and honours are. The meaning of this passage from the "Analects" is, that the most important function of government is to secure the equitable distribution of the products of human labour to the end that no deserving person shall suffer want. Obviously, also, if the mere acquisition of wealth were, by reason of just conditions, truly a test of desert, the most important step would have been taken toward the rectification of men; for if virtue were the only road to affluence, many are they who would walk therein.

Mencius put this convincingly, thus: "When a sage governs the world, he will cause pulse and grain to be as abundant as water and fire. If pulse and grain were as abundant as water and fire, should the people be otherwise than virtuous? The first office of the government in this regard is, of course, instruction; and it is interesting to find the most modern of governmental inventions, an agricultural department and its stations, thus forestalled by Mencius: "Let mulberry trees be planted about the homesteads with their five mow and persons of fifty years may be clothed with silk.

In keeping fowls, pigs, dogs, and swine, let not their breeding time be neglected and persons of seventy years may eat flesh. Both in its external relations with other states and peoples, and in its internal affairs, Confucius held that the government must frown upon conduct which proceeds from sordid motives. It is put, briefly and pointedly, in this saying: "In a state, gain is not to be considered prosperity, but its prosperity will be found in righteousness. Mencius dwells upon one phase of the significance of this text, in answering a king who sought gain for his kingdom to the disadvantage of others, in this fashion: "If Your Majesty say, 'What is to be done to profit my kingdom?

The "Li Ki" supplies this picture of the demoralization which reigns when the government does not restrain the powerful and the unscrupulous: "The strong press upon the weak, the many are cruel to the few, the knowing impose upon the dull, the bold make it bitter for the timid, the sick are not nursed, the old and young, the orphans and. Mencius makes a most pertinent inquiry, the answer to which may well stagger the advocates of unrestricted laissez-faire , in the following colloquy with King Hwuy of Leang:.

Your people have the look of hunger, and on the wilds lie those who have died of famine. This is leading on beasts to devour men. Yet if they put a good face of propriety on their gifts, the superior man receives them. I venture to ask how you explain this. Or would he admonish them.

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Indeed, to call everyone who takes what does not properly belong to him, a robber, is pushing a point of resemblance to the utmost and insisting on the most refined idea of righteousness. The idea of Utopia, where everybody's desires, however extensive, will be sated, is thus entirely foreign to the conception of Confucius and his followers.

It is also said in the "Many Dewdrops of the Spring and Autumn": "The objects of wants are limitless; the supply can never be adequate. Therefore is there the keen sense of deprivation. But fair and equitable distribution is necessary, both for the material and the ethical well-being of the community. And in the Commentary of Kung-Yang on "The Spring and Autumn," Ho Hsiu is represented as saying concerning the deadly destruction of the poor by the competition of the rich and powerful, these words which are so applicable to these modern days of trusts and combinations: "When the rich compete with the poor, even though the law were made by Kau Yau, nothing can prevent the strong from pressing on the weak.

Confucius warns of the consequences of driving the people to desperation, thus: "The man who is fond of daring and is discontented with his poverty, will proceed to insubordination. These are a few of his aptest statements:. A common feeling of joy will pervade the empire, a common feeling of sorrow the same. In such a condition, it cannot be but that the ruler will attain to the Imperial dignity. The reverse side of the picture this reverent follower of Confucius thus presents: "Their feeling thus i.

The establishment of public holidays is also enjoined, in which all classes of the people partake under the guidance of public officials. At these there was the "Rite of District Drinking," i. Wines, brewed and distilled liquors appear to have been known to the ancient Chinese; and Confucius favoured festivals at which, under proper ceremonial restrictions, jollity and merriment were given full rein. The manner of drinking but not the amount was strictly regulated.

Most vividly and in sharp contrast with these days of high prices and dear living, with the growth of luxury, the diminution of the marriage rate, and the yet greater fall of the birth rate, Mencius presents this view of what good government should provide for the citizens and through them for mankind: "At that time, in the seclusion of home there were no pining women, and outside of it no unmarried men.

And here he affirms the consequences of evil government consequences so alarmingly like those over which the great nations are now lamenting as to awaken wonder whether the same causes may not always be at work when such results are again found: "In years of calamity and famine, the weak and old, lying in the ditches and water-courses,. It has not required physical calamity or famine, also, to bring these demoralizing conditions to the peoples of the most modern and civilized nations!

This worthy apostle of the doctrine of Confucius, however, has yet clearer insight into the causes of the utter demoralization of the despairing and destitute. What a sermon upon the text, "The destruction of the poor is their poverty! What opportunity have such to cultivate propriety and righteousness? This involves the germ of the newest truths conceived by modern statesmen, namely: That absolute assurance of freedom from want, for self and dependents, this to be obtainable only by efficient labour but as its sure reward, is the most powerful incentive to efficiency and industry; and that, whenever the conditions created by the government fall short of this, their influence is to this extent demoralizing and destructive to the men, women, and children who form the nation.

As to the people, if they have not a certain livelihood, it follows that they will not have a fixed heart. If they do not have a fixed heart, there is nothing which they will not do in self-abandonment, moral deflection, depravity, and wild license. When they have thus been involved in crime, to pursue them and punish them is to entrap the people. This light is even now just dawning upon the minds of the pioneers in progress in the most advanced nations.

Fortunate that people which first realizes it in its national life and practice, and lamentable the case of that nation and its people who longest sin against that light! Mencius, following out the Confucian concept of the state as founded upon the family, boldly asserts that good government must be parental. The word "paternal" would have had no terrors, surely, in a land where the most sacred name, next to that of God himself, is father. And if the people, as in a republic, choose them who are to rule over them, this would seem but to increase the obligation to deal in a fatherly and not an unfatherly manner, toward the people who have so displayed their trust.

Accordingly Mencius could find nothing worse to say of a delinquent ruler than this, quoted from Lung Tze: "When the parent of the people causes them to look distressed and, after toiling the entire year, not to be able to support their. Confucius fully shared this view as clearly appears from all that he has spoken concerning the character and duties of the great and worthy ruler of his fellow-men. These sayings are scattered throughout this book; but this reply to one of his disciples discloses in few words his conception of the highest qualities attainable by a true servant of the people: "Tsze-kung said: 'Suppose the case of a man extensively conferring benefits on the people, and able to assist all, what would you say of him?

Might he be called perfectly virtuous? Must he not have the qualities of the sage? In the "Li Ki" this parable is told to illustrate the people's well-grounded terror of misrule: "In passing by the side of Mount Thai, Confucius came upon a woman who was wailing bitterly by a grave. The Master bowed forward to the crossbar, and hastened to her; and then sent Tsze-loo to question her. Formerly my husband's father was killed here by a tiger. Oppressive government is more terrible than tigers. The Middle Path in Political Economy. They who labour with their minds, govern others; they who labour with their muscles are governed by others.

They who are governed by others, support them; they who govern others, are supported by them. In the time of Confucius, it does not appear that either extreme, anarchism or communism, was so urged upon men's notice as to compel his attention; but Mencius, from whose sayings this passage is taken and who lived over a century later, was frequently confronted with their specious arguments. They should prepare their own meals, morning and evening, while at the.

The doctrine of the division of labour and of the interchange of services and of the products of labour, Mencius again supported in this passage: "If you do not have an exchange of the products of labour and an interchange of service, so that too much there will make good too little here, then farmers will have a surplus of grain and women of cloth.

If you have such an interchange, carpenters and wagon-makers may earn and receive their sustenance.

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At another time he thus showed the destructive and anarchical effects, now only too well known by experience, of the full adoption of either the extreme individualistic or the extreme communistic view: "Yang's principle is: 'Every man for himself,' which does not recognize the superior claim of the sovereign. Mih's principle is: 'Equal favour for all,' which does not acknowledge the superior claim of a father. But to acknowledge neither sovereign nor father is to lapse into barbarism. If the principles of Yang or of Mih were urged and the principles of Confucius were.

When such are checked, beasts will be led forth to devour men and men will devour one another. They showed kindness and compassion to widows, orphans, childless men, and those who were disabled by disease; so that they were all sufficiently maintained. Men had their proper work and women their homes. The foregoing is the description of the blissful consequences of good government, contained in "The Grand Course" as set forth in the "Li Ki.

Mencius made the support of the old, with reverence and honour, the first care of the state, saying: "If there were a prince in the empire who knew well how to nourish the old, all good men would feel that he was the right one for them to rally around. It is by no means sufficient that the old be supported; they must be supported respectably and, what is more to the point, respectfully.

The doctrines of Confucius did not tolerate want of homage to the old. Long under heaven has honour been paid to length of years! To do so is next to service of one's parents. By these five things they maintained the stability of their kingdom. Confucius is quoted in the same book as saying: "When those in authority at their courts show respect for the aged, the people will be filial. And in another place in the "Li Ki" he supplies this apt test of a good government of a good people: "When they saw an old man, people driving or walking gave him the road.

Men who had white hairs mingling with the black did not carry burdens along the highways. But it is not alone the aged who are by the authorities of a well-governed state made the objects of affectionate, prudent care, not as a matter of charity but as a right. Mencius in these words of practical wisdom offered mutual insurance as a solution for this, effectual so far as anything human can equalize inequalities, to ward off disasters that overwhelm a man when standing. The following expression of his views has a decidedly twentieth-century, even Bismarckian tang: "In the fields of a district, those who belong to the same nine squares, render all friendly offices to one another in their going out and coming in [ i.

Mencius also thus describes another sort of social insurance, already prevalent in those days: "In the spring they examined the ploughing and supplied any deficiency of seed; in the fall they examined the reaping and supplied any deficiency of yield. Surely if such a system were now in vogue in China, effective and nation-wide, a famine would be unknown and indeed unthinkable! Taxation, Innocent and Destructive. If at his frontier there be an inspection of persons but no import duties, all travellers throughout the empire will be pleased, and wish to make their tours on his roads.


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In his day, the question of the proper methods of taxation was evidently a live one, as in these days; and about the same issues arose in all essential particulars. The foregoing quotation from the Book of Mencius favours "ground rent," i. Still less does he favour import duties. The reasons which he gives for opposition to import duties were undoubtedly valid in China and as between the various states which compose the Chinese empire, as they would be against import duties of one state of the United States against other states.

Especially in this day when, by reason of the marvellous improvement of means of communication and transportation, the world has grown so small, they may also seem valid, save in very exceptional circumstances, as regards the entire sisterhood of nations. Mencius thus describes, in quite a "single tax" fashion, the origin of "ground rents" levied in order to appropriate to the community the value of a superior location: "In olden times in the market men exchanged their wares for the wares of others and merely had certain officers to keep order.

It chanced there was a mean fellow who. Thence he commanded the right and the left, so as to draw into his net all the bargains of the market. All considered his conduct contemptible and so they proceeded to levy a tax upon his wares. The tax upon merchants thus sprang from this fellow's sordidness. Mencius could find no excuse, however, for duties, whether internal or import, as the following conversation shows:. With your leave, however, I will reduce both these duties until next year and then will abolish them altogether.

What do you think of such a course? Why wait until next year? The system of levies upon the holders of cultivable land, which anciently obtained, is thus described by Mencius: "A square le covers nine squares of land which nine squares contain nine. The central square is the public field; and eight families, each having its private hundred mow, cultivate the public field in common; and not until this public work is done, dare they attend to tilling their own fields.

The change from this to a tithing or income tax system in the more populous districts is thus indicated: "I would ask you, in the remoter districts, observing the nine Squares division, to reserve one division to be cultivated on the system of mutual aid, and in the more central parts of the kingdom, to require the people to pay a tenth part of their produce.

As has already been quoted in the section on "Nourishment of the People," Mencius regarded any system of taxation, based upon values, as of land or goods or both, regardless of the product, as destructive and in bad seasons even ruinous, resulting accordingly in the demoralization and pauperization of the people, while the tithe or income tax falls or rises with the ability to respond.

This is also enforced by the following from the Book of Mencius: "Lung said, 'For regulating farms, there is no better system than that of mutual aid and none which is worse than that of taxing. By taxing, the amount to be paid regularly is fixed by taking the average of several years. In good years, when there is grain in abundance, much might be taken without its being oppressive, and the actual detriment would be small; but in.

Military Equipment. Confucius scarcely referred to the subject of war, except in the matter of indicating methods by which both misunderstandings with the peoples of neighbouring states and revolts on the part of classes of the citizens may be avoided. This indicates the relatively peaceful conditions already obtaining there. Yet the saying quoted above from the "Analects" seems full of insight and of prescience, when applied to the fate of the soldiers and marines of China and of Russia when at different times of late pitted against the trained and disciplined naval and military forces of Japan.

May it not also be of some importance to another great people of a hundred million souls which leaves its free citizens without military training? Are the Russians and the Chinese the only fatuous people in the world? It is also enforced by the sage as follows: "Let a good man teach the people seven years, and they may then be led to war.

Confucius gave some notion of what he deemed the requisites of a great military leader in the following: "Tsze-loo said, 'If you had the conduct of the armies of a great state, whom would you have to act with you? My associate must be a man who proceeds to action full of solicitude, who is fond of adjusting his plans and then carries them into execution! Yet this people, whose great teacher gave so little attention to military subjects, notwithstanding that he ranked it as one of the three essentials of good government, is the only one among the great nations which has maintained real continuity for itself through thousands of years; and the great wall which it constructed to ward off northern invasions is quite the most remarkable line of defences ever constructed.

Mencius also advises this course, duly emphasizing the necessity for the spirit of patriotic devotion among the people, in these words: "If you will have me counsel you, there is one thing I can suggest. Dig deeper your moats; build higher your walls; guard them, you and your people. Be prepared to die if need be, and have the people so attached that they will not desert you!

The great impropriety of maintaining military forces in order to overawe the people, as well as the utter want of need for such under a benevolent government, is plainly indicated by all of the teachings of the sage concerning government, yet quoted or to be quoted. Only the following need be cited: "Duke Hwan assembled all the princes together nine times and did not use weapons of war and chariots.

This was through the influence of Kwan Chung. Whose beneficence was like his? The manner in which benevolent government knits all citizens into a united band of patriots, against whom no force, from within or without, can prevail, is thus described by Mencius: "With a territory which is only a hundred le square, it is possible to attain the Imperial dignity. This is because material advantages do not compensate for the absence of the spiritual union of men. Should life and health be spared, the author would like to give a supplementary volume or two, so as to embrace all the books in "The Thirteen King.

He must then be permitted to rest for a time, before proceeding with the Shoo-king or The Book of History. His directly missionary labours are the chief business of his life, and require of course his chief attention. The fact that the Work is inscribed to the memory of Mr. Jardine impresses him deeply with the frailty of life and the uncertainty of all human plans. Whether he shall be permitted to accomplish what he contemplates, the future alone can determinate. It would have been an easy matter to swell the volume now presented to double the size. In the Chinese Commentators he had abundant materials to do so; but the author's object hsa been to condense rather than expand.

He has not sought to follow Choo He or any other authority. The text, and not the commentary, has been his study. He has read the varying views of scholars extensively, but only that he might the better understand what was written in the Book. He has also consulted the renderings of other translators, but never till he had made his own. He may have sometimes altered his own to adopt a happier expression from them, but the translation is independent. He has not made frequent mention in his notes of the labour of other scholars, — not because he undervalues them, but because there was no necessity to call attention to the circumstance, where he agreed with them, and where he differed, he thought it more seemly to avoid "doubtful disputations.

In expressing the sounds of proper names, the author has followed the orthography of Morrison and Medhurst; and in the index at Chinese characters he has given, in addition, that of Mr. It may seem strange also to some scholars, that where he has spoken in the botes of the tones of characters, he has assumed that in the Court dialect there are eight tones in the same way as in the dialect of Canton Province. The Author has not paid sufficient attention to the Court dialect to justify his speaking on this point with positiveness.

The author, moreover, has fancied that he could detect that distinction in the pronunciation of teachers of the Court dialect. On this subject, however, he speaksu with submission. There are many deficiencies in the present volume in point of typographical execution, for which the author ventures to ask the indulgence of the reader.


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  • The only workmen employed upon it have been Chinese. He is under great obligation to his excellent friend, Mr. Hwang Shing, the superintendent of the Mission Printing Office; but well-skilled as he is in the English language, he could nat perform the duties of proofreader. The work of correction has mainly devolved on the author himself or members of his family, and has been done when the mind was otherwise occupied, or amid constant interruptions. The errors would have been much more numerous than they are but for are great kindness of Mr.

    To Mr. The more serious mistakes will be found corrected, it is hoped, in the subjoined lists. For others of smaller importance the circumstances just mentioned may form some apology; and where the sound of a Chinese character mny in a few instances have been represented somewhat incorrectly, the character itself in I foot-note, or its sound in the 7th Index, will supply the necessary correction.

    The author has likewise to thank his friemd, and former colleague in the Mission at Hongkong, he Rev. Chalmers, for the compilation of the indexes of Subjects and Proper Names. Between these there were considerable differences. The former oonsisted of twenty Books or Chapters, the same as those into which the Classic is now divided. The latter contained two Books in addition, and in the twenty Books, which they had in common, the chapters and sentences were somewhat more numerous than in the Loo exemplar.

    The names of several individuals are given, who devoted themselves to the study of those two copies of the Classic. Among the patrons of the Loo copy are mentioned the names of Shing, the prince or Hea, grandtutor of the heir-apparent, who died at the age of 90, and in the reign of the emperor Seuen B.

    But a third copy of the Analects was discovered about B. One of the sons of the emperor King was appointed king of Loo; [7] in the year B. See the notes to the preface to the Shoo-king in 'The Thirteen Classics'. The recovery of this copy will be seen to be a most important circumstance in the history of the text of the Analects. It is referred to by Chinese writers, as "The old Lun Yu. The king was finally arrested, we are told, in his purpose to destroy the house, by hearing the sounds of bells, musical stones, lutes, and harpsichords, as he was ascending the steps that led to the Ancestral hall or temple.

    The work upon the Analects, mentioned above, has not indeed come down to us, but his labours on the Shoo-king still remain. In this respect, the old Lun Yu agreed with the Loo exemplar. The result of his labours appeared in twenty-one Books, which are mentioned in Lew Hin's catalogue. They were known as the Lun of the prince Chang, [12] and commanded general approbation. That may have been sufficient for Chang Yu to condemn them as he did, but we can hardy suppose that he did not have before him the old Lun, which had come to light about a century before he published his Work.

    In the last section of this chapter will be found a list of the readings in his commentary different from those which are now acknowledged, in deference to the authority of Choo He, of the Sung dynasty. At the commencement of the notes upon the first Book, under the heading— "The Title of the Work," I have given the received account of its authorship, taken from the "History of Literature" of the western Han dynasty. According to that, the Analects were compiled by the disciples of Confucius, coming together after his death, and digesting the memorials of his discourses nnd conversations which they had severally preserved.

    But this cannot be true. We may believe, indeed, that many of the disciples put on record conversations which they had had with their master, and notes about his manners and incidents of his life, and that these have been incorporated with the Work which we have, but that Work must have taken its present form at a period somewhat later. See Choo He's commentary, in loc. If one hand or one mind had digested the materials provided by many, the arrangement and style of the work would have been different. We should not have had the same remark appearing in several Books, with little variation, and sometimes with none at all.

    Nor can we account on this supposition for such fragments as the last chapters of the 9th, 10th, and 16th Books, and many others. And even in those where the chapters have a common subject, they are thrown together at random more than on any plan. When the Work was that called the Lun Yu, we cannot tell. The old Lun was found deposited in the wall of the house which Confucius had occupied, and must have been placed there not later than B. That copy, written in the most ancient characters, was, possibly, the autograph of the compilers.

    We have the Writings, or portions of the Writings, of several authors of the third and fourth centuries before Christ. If it were so, it is strange the circumstance is not mentioned in Ho An's preface. In The Great Learning, Commentary, chapter iv. In The Doctrine of the Mean, ch. In Mencius, II. In The Great Learning, Commentary, x. But in these three instances there is no mark of quotation. Those in the latter are mostly burlesques, but those by the orthodox writers have more or less of classical authority.

    Some of them may be round in the Kea Yu, [12] or "Family Sayings," and in parts of the Le Ke, while others are only known to us by their occurrence in these Writings. They leave the presumption however, in favour of those conclusions, which arises from the facts stated in the first section, undisturbed. They show that there was abundance of materials at hand to the scholars of Han, to compile a much larger Work with the same title, if they had felt it their duty to do the business of compilation, and not that of editing. It would be a vast and unprofitable labour to attempt to give a list of the Commentaries which have been published on this Work.

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    My object is merely to point out how zealously the business of interpretation was undertaken, us soon as the text had been recovered by the scholars of the Han dynasty, and with what industry it has been persevered in down to the present time. In Mih's chapter against the literati, he mentions some of the characteristics of Confucius, in the very words of the 10th Book of the Analects.

    Mention has been made, in Section I. Paou Heen, [1] a distinguished scholar and officer, of the reign of Kwang-woo, [2] the first emperor of the Eastern Han dynasty, A. Not long after his death, there ensued a period of anarchy, when the empire was divided into three governments, well known from the celebrated historical romance, called "The Three States. The preface of the five compilers, in the form of a memorial to the emperor, so called, of the House of Wei, is published with it, and has been of much assistance to me in writing these sections.

    Ho An was the leader among them, and the work is commonly quoted as if it were the production of him alone. From Ho An downwards, there has hardly been a dynasty which has not contributed its labours to the illustration of the Annlects. Passing over other dynasties, we come to the Sung, A. An edition of the classics was published by imperial authority, about the beginning of the 11th century, with the title of "The correct Meaning. But the names of the Sung dynasty are all thrown into the shade by that of Choo He, than whom China has not produced a greater scholar.

    Book II. Book III. Book IV. Book V. Book VI. Book VII. Book IX. Book XI. Book XIII. Book XIV. Book XV. Book XVI. Book XVII. The student who wishes to pursue this subject at length, is provided with the means in the Work of Teih? Chih Keaou-show, [2] expressly devoted to it. It forms sections of the Works on the Classics, mentioned at the close of the last section. It marks the ignorance which belongs to the people of all that is external to themselves, and the pride of antiquity which enters largely as an element into their character.

    But their ancestry is carried back through a period of equal extent, and genealogical tables are common, in which the descent of Confucius is traced down from Hwang-te, the inventor of the cycle, B. The more moderate writers, however, content themselves with exhibiting his ancestry hack to the commencement of the Chow dynasty, B.

    His great-grandson, the duke Min, [3] was followed. He is known as the duke Le, [7] and to his elder brother belongs the honour of having the sage among his descendants. He is still celebrated for his humility, and for his literary tastes. We have accounts of him as being in communication with the Grand-historiographer of the empire, and engaged in researches about its ancient poetry, thus setting an example of one of the works to which Confucius gave himself. Five generations had now elapsed since the dukedom was held in the direct line of his ancestry, and it was according to the rule in such cases that the branch should cease its connection with the ducal stem, and merge among the people under a new surname.

    Unfortunately for himself, he had a wife of surpassing beauty, of whom the chief minister of the State, by name Hwa Tuh, [12] happened on one occasion to get a glimpse. Determined to possess her, he commenced a series of intrigues, which, ended, B. Father Amiot states, p. There he was appointed commandant of the city of Fang, [14] and is known in history [p.

    Heih appears in the history of the times as a soldier of great prowess and daring bravery. In the your B. Heih was just entering, and catching the massive structure with both his hands, he gradually by dint of main strength raised it and held it up, till his friends had made their escape. Thus much on the ancestry of the sage. Doubtless he could trace his descent in the way which has been indicated up to the imperial house of Yin, nor was there one among his ancestors during the rule of Chow to whom he could not refer with satisfaction.

    The soldier had married in early life, but his wife brought him only daughters, — to the number of nine, and no son. There were three daughters in the family, the youngest being named Ching-tsae. His father and grandfather were only scholars, but his ancestors before them were descendants of the sage emperors. He is a man ten feet high, [4] and of extraordinary prowess, and I am very desirous of his alliance. Though he is old and austere, you need have no misgivings about him. It is for you to determine.

    The birth-place was in the district of Tsow, of which Heih wins the governor. It was somewhere within the limits of the present department of Yen-chow in Shan-tung, but the honour of being the exact spot is claimed for two places in two different districts of the department.

    There was some reason, previous to Confucius' birth for using the term ne in the family. As might be expected the birth of the sage is surrounded with many prodigous occurrences, One account is, that the husband and wife prayed together for a son in a dell of mount Ne. As Ching-tse went up the hill, the leaves of the trees and plants all erected themselves, and bent downwards on her return.

    That night she dreamt the Black Te appeared, and said to her, 'You shall have a son, a sage, and you must bring him forth in a hollow mulberry tree. This creature knelt before Ching-tse, and cast forth from its mouth a slip of gem, on which was the inscription, — 'The son of the essence of water shall succeed the withering Chow, and be a throneless king. Then she said, 'I will go and be confined there. On the night when the child was born, two dragons came and kept watch on the left and right of the hill, and two spirit-ladies appeared in the air, pouring out fragrant odour, as if to bathe Ching-tse; and as soon as the birth took place, a spring of clear warm water bubbled up from the floor of the cave, which dried up again when the child had been washed in it.

    Keang Yung says that the phrase has reference simply to the disparity of their ages. The notices which we have of Confucius' early years are very scanty. When he was in his third year his father died. It is related of [p. Of his schooling we have no reliable account. He tells us himself that at fifteen he bent his mind to learning; [9] but the condition of the family was one of poverty. At a subsequent period, when people were astonished at the variety of his knowledge, he explained it by saying "When I was young, my condition was low, and therefore I acquired my ability in many things; but they were mean matters.

    No mention is made of the birth of any other children, though we know, from Ana. The fact of the duke of Loo's sending him a gift on the occasion of Le's birth, shows that he was not unknown, but was already commanding public attention and the respect of the great. The present of the carp from the duke may incline us to suppose the former. To this latter work I generally have referred for my dates.

    Philosophy MENCIUS (Heart-Mind)

    Mencius, V. In his twenty-second year, Confucius commenced his labours as a public teacher, and his house became a resort for young and enquiring spirits, who wished to learn the doctrines of antiquity. However small the fee his pupils were able to afford, he never refused his instructions. When I have presented one corner of a subject to any one, and he cannot from it learn the other three, I do not repeat my lesson.

    His mother died in the year B. But here a difficulty presented itself. His father's coffin had been for twenty years, where it had first been deposited, off the road of The Five Fathers , in the vicinity of Tsow:— would it be right in him to move it? He was relieved from this perplexity by an old woman of the neighbourhood, who told him that the coffin had only just been put into the ground, as a temporary arrangement, and not regularly buried. On learning this, he carried his purpose into execution.

    Both coffins were conveyed to Fang, and put in the ground together, with no intervening space between them, as was the custom in some States. And now came a new perplexity. He said to himself, "In old times, they had graves, but raised no tumulus over them. But I am a man, who belongs equally to the north and the south, the east and the west. I must have something by which I can remember the place. In the mean time there came on a heavy storm of rain, and it was a considerable time before the disciples joined him. He made no reply, and they repeated their answer three times, when he burst into tears, and said, "Ah!

    Confucius mourned for his mother the regular period of three years, — three years nominally, but in fact only twenty-seven months. Five days after the mourning was expired, he played on his lute but could not sing. Some writers have represented Confucius as teaching his disciples important lessons from the manner in which be buried his mother, and having a design to correct irregularities in the ordinary funeral ceremonies of the time. These things are altogether "without book. In one point he departs from the ancient practice, raising a mound over the grave, and when the fresh earth gives way from a sudden rain, he is moved to tears, and seems to regret his innovation.

    This sets Confucius vividly before us — a man of the past as much as of the present, whose own natural feelings were liable to be hampered in their development by the traditions of antiquity which he considered sacred.

    The Architecture Of Western Gardens A Design History From The Renaissance To The Present Day

    It is important, however, to observe the reason which he gave for rearing the mound. He had in it a presentiment of much of his future course. He was "a man of the north, the south, the east, and the west. He would travel, and his way might be directed to some "wise ruler," whom his counsels would conduct to a benevolent sway that would break forth on every side till it transformed the empire.

    Le Ke, II. See also the discussion of those passages in Keang Yung's 'Life of Confucius. When the mourning for his mother was over, Confucius remained in Loo, but in what special capacity we do not know. Probably he continued to encourage the resort of inquirers to whom he communicated instruction, and pursued his own researches into the history, literature, and institutions of the empire. In the year B. Confucius, hearing about the matter, waited on the visitor, and learned from him all that he had to communicate.

    To the year B. Five years more, however, were still to pass by, before the anticipation mentioned in the conclusion of the last paragraph began to receive its fulfilment, [5] though we may conclude from the way in which it was brought about that he was growing all the time in the estimation of the thinking minds in his native State. Seventeen years before, he had painfully felt his ignorance of ceremonial observances, and had made it his subsequent business to make himself acquainted with them. Tsang Heih has observed that if sage men of intelligent virtue do not attain to eminence, distinguished men are sure to appear among their posterity.

    After my death, you must tell Ho-ke to go and study proprieties under him. Their wealth and standing in the State gave him a position which he had not had before, and he told King-shuh of a wish which he had to visit the court of Chow, and especially to confer on the subject of ceremonies and music with Laou Tan.

    The [??? It is a great error, and [??? The reigning emperor is known by the title of King, [12] but the sovereignty was little more than nominal. The state of China was then analogous to that of one of the European kingdoms during the prevalence of the feudal system. At the commencement of the dynasty, the various States of the empire had been assigned to the relatives and adherents of the reigning family. There were thirteen principalities of greater note, and a large number of smaller dependencies.

    During the vigorous youth of the dynasty, the emperor or lord paramount exercised an effective control over the various chiefs, but with the lapse of time there came weakness and decay. A similar condition of things prevailed in each particular State. There there were hereditary ministerial families, who were continually encroaching on the authority of their rulers, and the heads of those families again were frequently hard pressed by their inferior officers.

    The [p. It is difficult to understand this, if King-shuh were really a son of Mang He who had died that year. Arrived at Chow, he had no intercourse with the court or any of the principal ministers. He was there not as a politician, but an inquirer about the ceremonies and maxims of the founders of the dynasty. Laou Tan, [13] whom he had wished to see, the acknowledged founder of the Taouists, or Rationalistic sect which has maintained its ground in opposition to the followers of Confucius, was then a treasury-keeper.

    They met and freely interchanged their views, but no reliable account of their conversations has been preserved. When the superior man gets his time, he mounts aloft; but when the time is against him, he moves as if his feet were entangled. I have heard that a good merchant, though he has rich treasures deeply stored, appears as if he were poor, and that the superior man whose virtue is complete, is yet to outward. Put away your proud air and many desires, your insinuating habit and wild will.

    This is all which I have to tell you. But there is the dragon, I cannot tell how he mounts on the wind through the clouds, and rises to heaven. To—day I have seen Laou-tsze, and can only compare him to the dragon. From the whole he received a profound impression. There was also a picture of the duke of Chow sitting with his infant nephew, the king Shing, upon his knees, to give audience to all the princes. Confucius surveyed the scene with silent delight, and then said to his followers, "Here you see how Chow became so great.

    As we use a glass to examine the forms of things, so must we study antiquity in order to understand the present. Confucius turned to his disciples and said, "Observe it, my children. These words are true, and command themselves to our feelings. His has river eyes and a dragon forehead, — the very characteristics of Hwang-te.

    When he speaks, he praises the ancient kings. He moves along the path of humility and courtesy. He has heard of every subject, and retains with a strong memory. His knowledge of things seems inexhaustible. I have given these notices of Confucius at the court of Chow, more as being the only ones I could find, than because I put much faith in them. He did not remain there long, but returned the same year to Loo, and continued his work of teaching. His fame [p. Several of those who have come down to us as the most distinguished among his followers, however, were yet unborn, and the statement just given may be considered as an exaggeration.

    We are not to conceive of the disciples as forming a community, and living together. Parties of them may have done so. We shall find Confucius hereafter always moving amid a company of admiring pupils; but the greater number must have had their proper avocations and ways of living, and would only resort to the master, when they wished specially to ask his counsel or to learn of him. In the year succeeding the return to Loo, that State fell into great confusion. There were three Families in it, all connected irregularly with the ducal house, who had long kept the rulers in a condition of dependency.

    Thither Confucius also repaired, that he might avoid the prevailing disorder of his native State. See Analects III. Ana, XVI. Confucius bent forward in his carriage, and [p. The woman replied, "It is so. My husband's father was killed here by a tiger, and my husband also; and now my son has met the some fate. I have given advice to the duke King, but he has not yet obeyed it, and now he would endow me with this place!

    Very far is he from understanding me. This reference to them is more than enough. This was a first principle in the political ethics of Confucius. His chief minister Gan Ying dissuaded him from the purpose, saying, "Those scholars are impracticable, and cannot be imitated. They are haughty and conceited of their own views, so that they will not be content in inferior positions. They set a high value on all funeral ceremonies, give way to their grief, and will waste their property on great burials, so that they would only be injurious to the common manners.

    It would take generations to exhaust all that he knows about the ceremonies of going up and going down. This is not the time to examine into his rules of propriety. I had rather believe that these were not the words of Gan Ying, but they must represent pretty correctly the sentiments of many of the statesmen of the time about Confucius. For the refutation of contrary accounts, see Keang Yung's Life of the sage.

    Returned to Loo, he remained for the long period of about [p. It was a time, indeed, of great disorder. Confucius would give his countenance to none, as he disapproved of all, and he studiously kept aloof from them. Of how he comported himself among them we have a specimen in the incident related in the Analects, xvii. On this, he sent a present of a pig to Confucius, who, having chosen a time when Ho was not at home, went to pay his respects for the gift. He met him, however, on the way.

    To myself there seems nothing remarkable in it but a somewhat questionable dexterity. But it was well for the fame of Confucius that his time was not occupied during those years with official services. He turned them to better account, prosecuting his researches into the poetry, history, ceremonies, and music of the empire. Many disciples continued to resort to him, and the legendary [p.

    I have heard about the Odes. I have heard about the rules of Propriety. I have also heard that the superior man maintains a distant reserve towards his son" [6]. I can easily believe that this distant reserve was the rule which Confucius followed generally in his treatment of his son. A stern dignity is the quality which a father has to maintain upon his system, It is not to be without the element of kindness, but that must.

    There is too little room left for the play and development of natural affection. The divorce of his wife must also have taken place during these years, if it ever took place at all, which is a disputed point. The evidence inclines, I think, against the supposition that Confucius did put his wife away. There was no fraudulent carving of vessels.

    Graves were made on the high grounds, no mounds being raised over them, and no trees planted about them. Within twelve months, the princes of the States all about wished to imitate his style of administration. See the Le Ke II. The duke Ting, surprised at what he saw, asked whether his rules could be employed to govern a whole State, and Confucius told him that they might be applied to the whole empire.

    On this the duke appointed him assistant-superintendent of Works, [4] in which capacity he surveyed the lands of the State, and made many improvements in agriculture. From this he was quickly made minister of Crime, [5] and the appointment was enough to put an end to crime. There was no necessity to put the penal laws in execution. No offenders showed themselves. We must understand that Confucius was only an assistant to him, or perhaps acted for him. These indiscriminating eulogics are of little value. The two princes were to form a covenant of alliance. Confucius understood [p. These barbarians have nothing to do with our Great Flowery Land.

    Such vassals may not interfere with our covenants. Weapons are out of place at such a meeting.

    Full text of "The life and works of Mencius"

    As before the spirits, such conduct is unpropitious. In point of virtue, it is contrary to right. As between man and man, it is not polite. For two years more Confucius held the office of minister of Crime. Some have supposed that he was further raised to the dignity of chief minister of the State, [13] but that was not the case. A father having brought some charge against his son, Confucius kept them both in prison for three months, without [p.

    The head of the Ke was dissatisfied, and said, "You are playing with me, Sir minister of Crime. Formerly you told me that in a State or a family filial duty was the first thing to be insisted on. What hinders you now from putting to death this unfilial son as an example to all the people?

    This father has not taught his son to be filial;— to listen to his charge would be to slay the guiltless. The manners of the age have been long in a sad condition; we cannot expect the people not to be transgressing the law's. One great cause of disorder in the State was the fortified cities held by the three chiefs, in which they could defy the supreme authority, and were in turn defied themselves by their ofiicers.

    Those cities were like the castles of the barons of England in the time of the Norman kings. Confucius had their destruction very much at heart, and partly by the influence of persuasion, and partly by the assisting counsels of Tsze-loo, he accomplished his object in regard to Pe, [15] the chief city of the Ke, and How, [16] the chief city of the Shuh. II It doe not appear that he succeeded in the same wny in dismantling Shing, [17] the chief city of the Mang; [18] but his authority in the State greatly increased.

    He exalted the sovereign, and depressed the ministers. A transforming government went abroad. Dishonesty and dissoluteness were ashamed and hid their heads. Loyalty and good faith became the characteristics of the men, and chastity and docility those of the women. Strangers came in crowds from other States. As the fame of the reformations in Loo went abroad, the neighbouring princes began to be afraid.

    Let us propitiate it by a surrender of territory. Eighty beautiful girls, with musical and dancing accomplishments, were selected, and a hundred and twenty of the finest horses that could be found, and sent as a present to duke Ting. They were put up at first outside the city, and Ke Hwan having gone in disguise to see them, forgot the lessons of Confucius, and took the duke to look at the bait.

    They were both captivated. The women were received, and the sage was neglected. For three days the duke gave no audience to his ministers. No such result followed. The ceremony was hurried through, and portions of the offerings were not sent round to the various ministers, according to the established custom. Confucius regretfully took his departure, going away slowly and by easy stages.

    The duke continued in his abandonment, and the sage went forth to thirteen weary years of homeless wandering. His judgement and death occupy a conspicuous place in the legendary accounts. On leaving Loo, Confucius first bent his steps westward to the State of Wei, situate about where the present province of Chih-le and Ho-nan adjoin. He was now in his 56th year, and felt depressed and melancholy. With an axe, I'd hew the thickets through:— Vain thought!

    Homeward goes the youthful bride, O'er the wild, crowds by her side. How is it, O azure Heaven, From my home I thus am driven, Through the land my way to trace, With no certain dwelling-place? Dark, dark, the minds of men Worth in vain comes to their ken. Hastens on my term of years; Old age, desolate, appears. A number of his disciples accompanied him, and his sadness infected them. The empire has been long without the principles of truth and right; Heaven is going to use your master as a bell with its wooden tongue. The bell did indeed sound, but few had ears to hear. It so happened that Confucius resembled Hoo, and the attention of the people being called to him by the movements of his carriage-driver, they thought it was their old enemy, and made an attack upon him.

    His [p. If Heaven had wished to let this cause of truth perish, then I, a future mortal, should not have got such a relation to that cause. In Ana. When he came out, he told Tsze-kung to take one of the horses from his carriage, and give it as a contribution to the expenses of the occasion. I dislike the thought of my tears not being followed by any thing. Do it, my child. On reaching Wei, he lodged with Ken Pih-yuh, an officer of whom honourable mention is made in the Ana. The duke was married to a lady of the house of Sung, known by the name of Nan-tsze, notorious for her intrigues and wickedness.

    She sought an interview with the sage, which he was obliged unwillingly to accord. May Heaven reject me! One day the duke rode out through the streets of his capital in the some carriage with Nan-tsze, and made Confucius follow them in another. Perhaps [p. See the Le Ke, II. Confucius was practising ceremonies with his disciples, we are told, under the shade of a large tree.

    All the next year he remained there lodging with the warder of the city wall, an officer of worth, of the name of Ching, [18] and we have no accounts of him which deserve to be related here. Confucius knew all about them. Thither, notwithstanding, he continued his route, and when Tsze- kung asked him whether it was right to violate the oath he had taken, he replied, "It was a forced oath. The spirits do not hear such.