But nothing came of the initiative, which ended with an anti-climax. However, the Leal Senado would survive all political storms. The father of the Chinese Republic and one of the founders of the Portuguese Republic would see their paths cross in Macau. Sun Yat-sen and Carlos da Maia had in common a republican ideal and membership in secret societies. The Triad, a secret association present in various countries, was led by Sun Yat-sen, and enjoyed good relations with the Freemasons, of which Carlos da Maia was allegedly a member.
Sun Yat-sen was born in a village located close to Macau, and it was in the Portuguese colony that this Chinese republican leader had sought shelter for his conspiracy aimed at overthrowing the Manchu dynasty. He practiced as a doctor in Macau beginning in the fall of But while Sun Yat-sen stayed in Macau, he established a friendship with a local, Francisco Hermengildo Fernandes, editor of the Echo Macaense newspaper and another alleged freemason.
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In the fall of , he decided to go to Guangzhou. On the other side of the border, China was undergoing a troubled political period. The general to whom Sun Yat-sen had ceded the presidency of the Republic, Yuan Shikai, took under his wing the movement for the restoration of the monarchy, eventually proclaiming himself emperor in December Yuan Shikai would prove an ephemeral emperor, dying in June The province of Canton became the stage for armed conflict which threatened to engulf the Portuguese colony.
Two governments, one in the South Canton and one in the North Beijing , would fight for power over the whole of China in years to come. The civil war, carried on by the so-called warlords, would last until In June , Sun Yat-sen wrote to Governor Carlos da Maia, expressing his thanks for the support offered to the Nationalists who had sought temporary shelter in the Portuguese colony Bessa, Other historians refer also to the need to discuss the financing of works in the Port of Macau that led Carlos da Maia to travel to Lisbon, from where he would not return Spooner, , The most problematic of all was Lapa, separated from the Portuguese colony by the Pearl River.
A mere three months after his arrival in Macau, Carlos da Maia, in his reports back to Lisbon, argued for the establishment by the Portuguese authorities of a military governor on the island. The struggle between the factions which fought to control southern China had reached the gates of Macau. In other words, this officer recommended a police intervention on the disputed island so as to extend Portuguese protection to its population. He wrote,.
If our action in Lapa overshadows that of China, the Chinese nation will not be able to consider that fact as an attack or an insult to its rights; on the contrary, a justified Portuguese intervention will result only in a straitening of relations which the victorious party will easily recognize. Still in April, the governor decided to send an Army officer at the head of twenty policemen to Lapa in order to assert Portuguese sovereignty over the disputed island. Feeling slighted and in an open conflict with the officer who led the expedition to Lapa, he sent a formal complaint against governor Carlos da Maia to the authorities in Lisbon.
The row between the harbour master and Carlos da Maia, both naval officers, was not entirely new. In , the first had complained of the inconvenient nature of the obligatory accumulation of functions, which included the supervision of the opium trade. As far as Freitas Ribeiro was concerned, the management of this trade was harmful to his prestige as a naval officer. This bank official believed that. The causes for these shows of strength by the Chinese Government could form the basis for a very long report which most probably would not be favourable to the highest authority in this colony, now absent from Macau.
Carlos da Maia had indeed left the colony at the end of the summer of , never to return. Although Portugal was in a state of war, Lisbon was in no hurry to send a new plenipotentiary governor to Macau. For almost two years, until the arrival of Artur Tamagnini Barbosa in October , the governance of Macau was left to provisional administrations. In the meantime, China, in August , entered what had become a globalized war. It would also take the Ministry of the Colonies nearly one year to reach a verdict on the complaint made against the governor of Macau.
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Carlos da Maia left a mark on Macau, thanks in part to a strong presence and the work accomplished, but also because of his unexpected absence. In his desire to abolish the Leal Senado and, especially, in his clash with China over the disputed Lapa Island, his patriotic zeal went too far. He would later become Minister of the Navy and of the Colonies, before being murdered in October , during the events collectively known as the Noite Sangrenta Bloody Night.
At the starting point of the movements that led to the formation of the Portuguese and Chinese Republics there lay a nationalist ideology that would pit them against one another. However, this republican nationalism would lead Portugal, first, and China, later, to enter the world war on the same side. The two nations would know periods of great political instability, dictatorial leaders, attempts to restore the monarchy, short-lived governments, and even armed conflict. In both cases, the attempts to establish a republican regime were more the result of the exhaustion of the monarchical option than an affirmation of an ideological alternative.
The Chinese Emperor was kept in place, still benefitting from many of his expensive privileges. The Portuguese monarch was sent into a golden exile in London. Portugal and China made the changeover to republican regimes in the same period, being among the first to do so in their respective continents.
They had in common the need to reach a decision over Macau. Portugal and China, weak powers charged with administering vast territories, saw in their participation in the war an unmissable opportunity to acquire the respect of the international community. Among other objectives, they hoped to gain a seat at the post-war peace talks, where their wartime effort might be recognized. This hope was undone by both the reconfiguration of the international system and the actions of uneasy allies: Great Britain in the case of Portugal, the United States and Japan in the case of China.
For its part, the Macau question would remain unresolved, thanks to civil war in China. The two questions would come before the Washington Conference of Macau, a diminutive Asian oasis, survived the Great War unscathed.
Portugal during World War II
Macau would eventually be handed back to China on 19 December , the final day of the old Portuguese Empire. Ball, J. Dyer , Macau. London: H. Stationery Office. Revista Macau , Second Series, n. Lisbon: Banco Nacional Ultramarino. Lisbon: Instituto Internacional de Macau. Revista de Cultura [Macau], n. Revista Macau , Third Series, n.
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Dias, Alfredo Macau: Livros do Oriente. Garrett, Richard J. Lisbon: D. Ponto Final Macau , 4 de Janeiro. Macau Macmillan, Margaret , Peacemakers. London: John Murray.
Lisbon: Tinta da China. Marques, A. Portugal na Primeira Guerra Mundial , 2 volumes Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. Rodrigues, Manuel A. Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau. Roosevelt, Theodore ? So far as the mobilization of civil society is concerned, three distinct groupings that supported the dictatorship can be identified: first, those who were content with the declaration of a state of emergency; second, those who defended the creation of a new regime; and, finally, the monarchists, intent on restoration.
Of 77 senatorial seats, 28 were attributed to representatives of professional associations, including both employers or employees; doctors, lawyers and engineers; civil servants; and faculty members at universities, artistic academies, or high schools. The remaining 49 seats were attributed to the common electorate, nine of which were reserved for political minorities. In addition, the widening of the electoral body brought the number of registered voters to ,, increased from the , or so at the beginning of the Republic.
Still, and despite the announced political reforms, there remained the feeling that Sidonismo would only last for as long as the war did. In a country that had entered the conflict in March and dispatched its first contingent to the Western Front only the following year, the coup was simply a way of marking time. With this event, there began the tension between the reality of his regime and its memory, as propagated by his followers.
The simple fact is that, from a strictly political point of view, the dictatorship was always an incomplete regime. There were elections but no new constitution; there were councils, but these did not deliberate. As a result, this incomplete nature, related to the fact that the enthusiasm initially generated by corporate representation had gradually cooled off, led the government to rapidly lose its credentials.
But there was a twist: were the years in which the political and ideological tendencies of a fascist or proto-fascist character began to gain traction Cabral, Nevertheless, it was precisely the Armistice and his death which brought about a significant increase in chaotic military interventions, carried out by independent factions devoid of any institutional sense Ferreira, While the armed forces broke down into various factions, fragmenting and undertaking isolated and unrelated coups, civilians were busy organizing themselves.
The repeated crises faced by Portuguese liberal republicanism questioned its ability to implement a political project on a larger scale. Against this background, various opposition groups came together to confront the existing system of liberal representation and present Portuguese society with a new alternative. In most cases, this opposition was carried out under a markedly anti-liberal profile, although there was as of yet no unanimity on some important points, such as the nature of the new regime to be built.
Fragile though this guidance was, it was still much clearer than it had been before the sidonista dictatorship Leal, At the very least, their support allowed them the space in which to make their case for monarchy. Rather, the contrary happened; the crisis deepened.
In this respect, it is worthwhile analyzing the perspective of anti-republican unity established by Sidonismo. To a large extent, it established itself against the will of the dictator. However, it was not Germanophilia which drove him, but rather fears for the future of the Republic should it involve itself in a conflict outside Africa Silva, That is why you acclaimed him as an envoy from Heaven, who had come not just to drive out a criminal government and a criminal president, and an unworthy parliament, moneylenders at the Temple of the Fatherland, but also to restore peace to your conscience, order and tranquility to your home, bread and comfort to your sons, and exalt in foreign eyes this beloved Fatherland, as unhappy as it is loved.
In this sense, it is worth reinforcing the idea that Sidonismo was a victorious ideology. The actual opinions and values of the dead dictator counted for little. Despite its difficulties in consolidating itself as a regime, it preserved its ability to bring together all the forces opposed to the Republic.
Ideological currents, political parties, and civic associations of a conservative and authoritarian nature allowed for convergence within various segments of opposition to the Republic. Among the former, although divided into republican and monarchist factions, unification occurred around a nationalist, anti-liberal and authoritarian project. This was a space disputed by republicans and monarchists alike, which allowed for a widening of the anti-republican field.
The growth of anti-liberal groups did not mean, however, that there was unity among them.
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In its very first edition, the Magazine Ordem Nova pointed towards the fragmentation of the various political currents, even on the right. Curiously, it was those who were most independent within the various rightist tendencies who denounced their lack of unity:. Where one finds four men with identical points of view or an identical lack of points of view, which is also common , one will find also a tendency for that group to split into two groups of two. As a result, the presumed unity of the right was the result of a victorious coup rather than of a unified program of action.
Of course, the postwar setting strengthened a Pan-European sentiment of opposition to the liberal system. Portugal was not, as a result, an isolated case. In this way, civic associations and political parties opened the way for military action and the resulting overthrow of the republican regime. A permanent army was kept in place, albeit one where relations were frayed.
If after steps were taken by successive governments and the military commanders to mend fences, these efforts would be undone, very quickly, by the eruption of the European war. This article focuses on the second decision, because of its controversial, divisive, and open-ended nature. The creation and dispatch of the CEP threatened the existing military structure with complete annihilation without any guaranteed compensation for Portugal. Officers felt like they were being forced to bet chips in a high-stakes game of bluff being played by the republican leadership, and resolved to strike back.
In , a peaceful protest by a large number of officers followed. The officers, angered at political interference in military affairs, presented their ceremonial sword to the moderate president of the Republic, Manuel de Arriaga Arriaga responded by inviting a senior military man and personal friend, General Joaquim Pimenta de Castro , to form a government capable of organizing free and fair elections, a relatively unknown phenomenon in Portugal. Pimenta de Castro surrounded himself with fellow officers, but was overthrown by the Democratic Party and its supporting organizations on 14 May The army was conspicuous in its absence from the revolt, but chose not to halt it.
Pedro Aires Oliveira writes:. In the same essay Aires Oliveira goes as far as to posit the war as a solution for the terrible state of relations between the government and the army. What the republican leadership did not understand, however, was that military intervention, given its own weakness, would leave it at the mercy of that same army that it increasingly viewed as a rival. With the fall of Pimenta de Castro, the way was open for military intervention in the conflict, but only when this intervention was requested by Great Britain.
This important condition would delay the process until March It was no surprise when belligerence did come; it was quickly followed by the dispatch of a large military contingent to Mozambique.
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There was an obvious problem, however. The Portuguese army was small and antiquated. Its training only began in at Tancos. A Portuguese force, no matter how large, would only ever constitute a tiny percentage of the Allied armies on the Western Front. Officers thus viewed their presence on the front lines as a sacrifice — one in they were not willing to offer.
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So while they went along, for the most part, with the preparations for active duty at Tancos, their actual commitment to the Western Front was a different matter. Recalcitrant officers were aided by the reluctance of the Allies, notably the British, to accept a substantial Portuguese force on the Western Front. However, it failed and led to widespread arrests. Claiming that their refusal was born of solidarity with their imprisoned comrades, they were detained and forced to embark.
To the puzzlement of the British, their prison term was served while en route to France, after which they were returned to their posts. The CEP, despite much speculation on the issue, left for France. Officers resigned themselves to their fate — although many of the eyewitness accounts of their demeanour at the front are far from positive and reveal the scale of the gulf that increasingly separated them from their political masters. The former resented the level of control exercised by the British army over the CEP. It was because of this campaign, he argued, that British officers were highly praiseworthy of Portuguese soldiers, but not their officers.
Rightly or wrongly, officers concluded that the Republic did not like them, had sent them to France to die, and was using the war to replace them with more loyal officers. To add insult to injury, it denied them a star role in the coverage of the fighting. This question would rumble on in the future.
It was not just the war in France that affected civil-military relations in Portugal.