I was in the French Research Institute sometime last year and the director mentioned to me that there was an International conference on patrimony identity, culture, etc. He said would want me to explore an aspect of those concepts through a documentary film and he specifically suggested the Osun Sacred Groove. Its revolves around patrimony because it has been in existence for hundreds of years and some of the things in that sacred groove have not been distorted by westernisation and modernisation, in spite of the heavy influence of late Susan Wenger, an Austrian. What I did was to explore how Nigerians specifically the people of Oshogbo respond either positively or negatively, and even the neutral aspects of their responses to what has been bequeathed to them by their great ancestors.
Because of the sacred nature of that groove and the influence of Christianity and Islam, I found out that most people of Oshogbo shy away from fraternizing with their sacred groove. There are different dimensions and intricacies to the groove which I explored in the documentary. NE: Nigeria seems to be a religious fault line between Christianity and Islam.
How then does one then situate the place of the Oshogbo Groove within this equation? But one of my interviewees who is an adherent of the Osun religion told me that most Nigerians may profess not to fraternise with the groove publicly but privately are their frequent guests. However, when we get to our closets, we do one or two things that celebrate traditional religion. But the challenge is still there; either we look at it from that openness, or the covert way with which people fraternise with traditional religion.
IA: I went to the groove as an observer-participant not as a participant-observer. For instance, when that priestess asked me to do one or two things, so as to become a participant in the Osun worship, I objected to that because I do not believe in the Osun deity. But that did not truncate my assignment because I went there with the eye of an artist: let me see what other people cannot see, let me be the eyes of the society.
But when it came that point of my identifying as a worshiper of the deity, I had to excuse myself from doing so. It my interest you also that I worked in the midst of Muslims when making this documentary. I was even in one of their religious services, but they never forced me or even asked me to participate in any of their religious rites. NE: Apart from the documentary that you have already done, what do you think about the potential of social media to be able to amplify these voices to other places about the cultural patrimony of Nigeria.
Is there hope, or is it just mere hype? IA: It is no hype and there is hope. But, I think the developmental angle will be to train, the traditionalists so that they themselves can report to us directly rather than through intermediaries — the digital natives. I was limited to going in to some places because I was initiated into some cult. So, if the traditionalists were trained in the art of employing the social media in reporting their patrimony that revolves round their cultural heritage etc; then, they would the liberty to give it to us one hundred percent and how they want it to be disseminated to us.
How I can respond concretely to that is in this way. As a professional, if I can have the opportunity to train the locals, in employing the social media in reporting their traditional practices. I think that would serve them better and that would help in employing the social media in conveying to us what they want to convey to us from their own traditional and cultural perspective.
However we intend to create some short clips that will be uploaded on YouTube. Another objective is to further screen it in global films festivals.
In summary, it will serve as an educational and teaching tool. IA: No there is no website for the documentary but I have a blog and the sponsors of the project — IFR — also have a website. NE: Do you think there is a common meeting ground for oral based African religious practices and technology?
IA: I am not in the best position to answer this question. However, some scholars advocate that Yoruba traditional religions have technology embedded in them. For instance, some believe that the Ifa corpus — a medium, through which Ifa priests communicate with the gods, gets feedback from the gods and relay same to their clients — is technology in action. Others also are of the view that the ability to predict the future — divination — is already a technological advancement. IA: Yes it can be used to preserve and make them available to the outside world.
Technology helps in documenting these various cultural practices — the religion, the art, etc. Facebook, Twitter will be a platform in integrating these religious practices — serving as media of communication among many traditional groups, religions and promoting indigenous practices. IA: It can help. But some of these people might still be deprived from using social media because of lack of education. Since the language of instruction is still English. If people are instructed in their indigenous languages, this will not only push development but will also drive the adaptation of these social media platforms.
Although this attitude to development has changed, however, the remnants still remain. Until the language of instruction morphs from English to the local languages, then development will still remain stunted and the overall penetration and acceptance of social media platforms, might remain largely elitist. NE: Generally, what do you see as the present or the future, as the case may be, of social media platforms in Nigeria, within and outside the art?
IA: The first thing is that, we need to build our technology in Nigeria. The more advanced we are and the more accessible many Nigerians are, including the locals, to technology, the better for Nigerians. We need to create access for Nigerians too, using this technology. The future is bright, and the world is going gaga , in the sense that technology is driving the world. Morales eventually announced the cancellation of the contract for the road with the Brazilian company OAS at the beginning of April, but protestors still reject the terms and conditions of the proposed consultation.
Inevitably, this generates further suspicion among environmentalists, international organizations and public opinion. Among the replies was:. The MAS Evo Morales' political party program aligns the Bolivian economy to the emerging global capitalist interests of the 21st Century… expressed in mega-energy… road and extractive projects mostly encapsulated in the IIRSA II that inevitably lead to the violation of indigenous rights. This post is part of our special coverage Forest Focus: Amazon. At approximately 10am local time, around people gathered in front of the Brazilian embassy bearing images and messages in an act of solidarity with the Amazonian casualties.
The activists wanted to draw international attention to the Brazilians who were killed and who are being persecuted for their work to protect the Amazon rainforest, and promise Brazil further criticism [pt]. We invite you to learn a little more about these Brazilians and their causes. The Brazilian journalist Felipe Milanez was in Washington and shared photos of the preparations and the protest itself on his Twitter account felipedjeguaka.
Milanez has been one of the most active voices in giving visibility to those victims in the Amazon region. Laisa chega hoje a noite em Maraba. E teme ser morta! Photo by Felipe Milanez used with permission. Nilcilene: I want to live. Nilcilene Miguel de Lima was also not forgotten. In retaliation for her complaints of land invasions and tree thefts, Nilcilene was beaten and her house was burned.
In a Global Voices post from March , the link between deaths and the agrarian economy in the country was discussed. She was with one of her three children, six-year-old Tiago, when she was shot in the chest in the early hours of the morning. It is the illegal loggers and their gunmen who exercise de facto power. Recently, on 29 March, construction was halted following the death of a worker. On 4 April, riot control was called to force the workers to continue the construction but some of them resisted, according to the site [pt] Xingu Vivo.
On 8 April, anthropologist Tonico Benites' report [pt] was shared on Facebook several times. Vai perder dinheiro. Brazilian blogger Sonia Martuscelli reproduces [pt] an open letter on the suspension of the license for the construction of the controversial Teles Pires Dam , in an area of the Amazon forest inhabited by the indigenous peoples of Kayabi, Apiaka and Mundukuru ethnicities. The natives require measures to ensure their rights and to be heard on the matter.
The Indigenous Territory and Governance Platform [es] is made up of a series of institutions all working together to provide the indigenous people of Latin America the tools and resources to be able to strengthen the governance they have of their territory and their community. A series of short videos is used to document their progress. All links lead to Spanish language sites. In Colombia , the Association of Indigenous Councils to the North of the Cauca ACIN brings together more than 14 reservations and 16 indigenous councils, and through their efforts, the indigenous communities have started taking control of their own economy and environment through small businesses that produce dairy products, fruit juices, cane sugar, bread as well as the commercialization of these products to stock the community stores as well as help other social projects in the community.
Through barter systems, training and centralization of products, they mean to provide food security for the indigenous communities as well as provide sources of income. In Ecuador, the Kichwa of Pastaza have a territory of 1 hectares 4 For several years already they've sustainably managed this area, in the next video they share their experiences in developing a Territorial Management Plan based on zoning for a system that will enable them to live off the land without depleting it for many more years while also taking advantage of their constitutional rights to make use of their own lands.
So far only these two videos in the series have been released. Lets hope more are forthcoming in the future focusing on the experiences in other Latin American countries. On their site you can watch different documentaries, films and videos on indigenous issues.
The Ethnos Project. About visit www. My stream My TV My friends. You are at the newest post. Click here to check if anything new just came in. Please watch the film here. Documentary: Mining's Terrible Consequences for Brazil's People and Environment [All links lead to Portuguese-language pages except when otherwise noted.
An inconvenient truth Brazil emerged on the modern maps of the world as a land of extraction, and since the first years of colonization, has had mining [en] as one of its primary sources of economy. In anticipation of the opening, the group published a video in March announcing it: Local indigenous peoples will have the opportunity to take courses in law, job creation and revenue and mapping, which will last two years. Dogs to be cooked in Yulin Open Source. Cartoonist Carlos Latuff is not optimistic about the transformation that the city of Rio de Janeiro is undergoing to host the World Cup and Olympics: Vai ajudar exatamente quem?
In February , the National Dalit and Adavasi Women's Congress was cited in a recent blog article by Sujatha Surepally, which also denounces this sad reality: The hall is echoing with the furious voice of Dayamani Barla, veteran Adivasi activist from Jharkhand. Marches for Justice Based upon transfer of important natural resources to industrial investors, both Indian and foreign, this growth has hindered the path of commitments to environmental matters.
Chronicler of Saint Lucian History Remembered Historian and conservationist Robert Devaux was laid to rest this week, having passed away on the morning of April 16th , after a battle with cancer. The post also touched on his archaeological work: A former field engineer, Mr Devaux was an avid participant in archaeological digs. According a tribute posted to Facebook , Devaux worked hard to protect Saint Lucia's heritage, even when it sometimes seemed futile: Sadly, he spent too much time fighting to be heard.
The tribute continued: He had a vision for St. Visit Jason Michael's flickr photostream. Sina Weibo user posted some photos [zh] she took from the designated theme park construction site and confessed she felt great pity for the loss of such an environment to the development: Cijiaolin Village. Photos taken by Sina User Cijiaolin village is just 2 kilometres away from Lhasa city.
According to the legend, this is where the Princess Wencheng and her servant settled down. This is a marvelous spot for Tibetans to take time out. It is surrounded by mountains and rivers, with a large piece of grassland. Within three years, such scenery will be replaced by a so-called cultural park, the Princess Wencheng theme park, with a 4 star hotel.
Of course there will be some advantage in developing tourism, but I really hope everything remains the same here. This must be a good project. The government as a facilitator cannot invest all the money, this is a call for investment. In the s, artistic experimentation regains the need for these publications as an important platform for disseminating ideas, and also as a deconstructive exercise. Once again, the lines between languages must be blurred, as in the magazines of the avant-garde. The soundtrack is rock; literature and ideas are centered on countercultural writings, debates, and movements, and especially on Luiz Carlos Maciel, Marcuse, Caetano, Mautner, and tropicalismo.
Together with Paul Constantinides, Joca organizes a publication dedicated to urban cultural events, Alienarte. It is in this environment that they complete issue number 3 of Alienarte , which is never published. The journal, in line with what was called independent or alternative press, presented visual language that deconstructed the standards of established publications. Outside of Brazil, Alienarte might be considered a punk zine, with its all-encompassing criticism, especially criticism of modernism and its projects that promised a structured utopia.
Disorganizing life is also a way of life, one that should not be ignored or exterminated; on the contrary, its possibilities should be explored. Brothers and sisters, listen up: we got to stay on our toes because the enemy has penetrated both sides. And his weapons are powerful, able to cover our eyes, to make our minds as linear as they get. Man, morality does not exist! Closed-mindedness lurks in more places than you expect. Today the story is different; we got to be alert…No more self-indulgent garbage! No more doctrines!
Joca , Alienarte 2, Alienarte keeps its promise: it is a cultural magazine as dizzying as the city itself, trying to connect all the conceptual and vital threads that intertwine the stories of its characters, producers, and interviewees. Used with permission from the artists. Their office is located in a gallery on Augusta Street where they assist other young visual artists and writers in the development of their own publications and provide emotional, logistical, and artistic support. It is necessary to point out the ambiguity, and, consequently, the intrigue that the name Manga Rosa MR arouses.
Many stories circulate about the origin of this designation, none definitive, all plausible and alluring. The phrase is slang for a high-quality strain of marijuana, but it can also refer to the legendary Brazilian Revolutionary Movement the MR-8 if read in acronymic form, which is commonly used to disguise subliminal messages. In a statement made to Guilherme Godoy , Zorzete points out that the presence of fruit in the images produced by the group, suggestive of a certain anthropophagic and tropical environment, could have led to the name.
But another story also surfaces in the conversation: Bassani was nicknamed Manga Rosa because of his spiky hair. In any case, the words Manga Rosa, when said today, signify a subversion of pedantry, a return to everyday life. The members of MR never shy away from their lack of class privilege they went to public schools, for example , or their origin in Mooca which is presently a neighborhood being gentrified with many old factories awaiting their transformation into condominiums ; their work embraces political engagement and urban existence.
Life is in the streets and in the faces of the underprivileged. Another participant at the event, Carlos Dias, aligns himself with MR. In response to the invitation, they create i. Marcio Perassolo, Cabelo and Dias, as well as Bassani and Zorzete, become a hub for the circulation of information at the festival. While they prepare and publish i. The image published and censored in i. The first phase is to take hold of the space… Invade, then find a way.
The first important intervention by MR is Ocupe se vire Invade, then find a way. The interventions last a year and focus on the city and its possibilities. Without a doubt, Ocupe se vire and the artistic acts on the billboards are a premonition, or at the very least show a keen sensibility of the power in finding and activating public space. A subsequent work continues to implement the use of disruptions, which estrange passersby, almost alienating them from the flow of the city.
The group finds or steals? A dialogical and diabolical view of urban relationships arises: why not return them, and though their new formal and geographical configuration, inspire confusion or at least doubt in which directions to follow? De formative signaling is, consequently, a deviation in movement and the process of decoding. In the city people circulate to produce their own lives and reproduce capital. With the new encodings, what is imposed is doubt, wandering, waste of time, fun or rage.
In response to the commotion, the mayor promises to return the work to its rightful place, and the monument is taken back to the Plaza das Guianas. In a kind of endless dialogue with the city and its happenings, they bring about a series of acts. It is worth questioning whether the art resides only in the objects—the signs and billboards— or also in the very performativity that is articulated through the actions, the projects, the public. Jorge Bassani and Francisco Zorzete completed many works as MR, either as a duo or in a larger group. When in MR mode, the works are collective, thus remain unsigned.
However, the two artists also produce individually. Their works have the same relationship with city space, further refined by cross-references. The following series of works by the duo plunges into an archive filled with references to the most significant Brazilian art of the 20th century.
According to Bassani:. The fetishized city and the reified woman. From that period until , about seven hundred spaces were adapted to include playgrounds in abandoned and decaying areas that had very few figurative, geometric structures. There is, in fact, an anti-modernist character in this work. Yes, at first glance it incorporates elements of constructivism and neoplasticism; however, it goes beyond this legacy.
No problem more contemporary exists. Bassani, Zorzete, and Dias are invited to participate, but they propose a piece that reveals a shantytown that stands behind a billboard. On one side an advertisement caters to some, while on the other side there is poverty. When MR refuses, the institution disinvites them from the event. Since then, Bassani and Zorzete have continued to create art in the name of Manga Rosa, either as a duo or individually. They have never stopped moving forward, even when the market privileged some specific pictorial representation or began operating under the perverse logic that the replacement of the less young with the even younger would somehow achieve permanent innovation.
Currently, their research focuses on the relationship with the modern-day city, but it also integrates poetry and contemplations about the art world and how it transforms. They brought their transcoding to fruition, not through the creation of objects, but in a continuous and performative process. They investigated space; they invested in time. MR continues to invade and continues to find a way. Feeling inspired? Check out the music and films that that influenced Manga Rosa:. Meteorango Kid. Nada pior do que nostalgia, ainda mais a superficial.
Muito mais do que isso, tem como objetivo uma psicogeografia a partir da qual esses artistas se constroem como tais ao tramarem sua obra. Os textos anti-editoriais de Alienarte buscam o enfrentamento com o leitor. Ou, por vezes, o estabelecimento de palavras de ordem, alertas:. A caretice reside em mais lugares do que se pensa. Em resposta ao convite, criam i. A imagem publicada e censurada em i. Ao encontrarem ou pegarem? Segundo Bassani:. A cidade fetichizada e a mulher reificada. A curadoria do evento barrou o trabalho, solicitando outro.
What does it mean to be in exile? How does one express the experience of forced separation — of being absent from place? And what does the memory of that separation mean for generations to come, for those who did not physically experience exile but who know it through family feelings, experiences, and narratives? Izabel Fontes explores these questions in her critical essay on The House in Smyrna , a novel by Brazilian author Tatiana Salem Levy, herself a daughter of exiled Brazilians. Her grandfather brings her an old key—the key to his house in Turkey, where he lived before emigrating to Brazil, fleeing from the shadows of an impossible love.
The object, preserved as a specter of a distant life, carries an implied request: for his granddaughter to rebuild her life, to get out of bed and abandon mourning. The novel is composed of short chapters, divided into seven distinct temporalities. Since the different stories—separated by decades in time—are all told using the same narrative strategy, they tend to blend together and become confused with one another.
The narrator, who claims to have been born in self-exile, seems to also reject any possibility of chronology, living in a dislocated and broken time. The entire narrative is constructed as the preparation for a trip, as if her life and suffering gain meaning only when she leaves her room, walks onto the airplane and gets off in the two countries that shelter her origins—where she discovers the cure to a fear that paralyzes her, allowing her to find a new love and make peace with the past.
This suffering unfolds over years and replicates itself in different forms, defining a way of being in the world and the image that the narrator sees in the mirror. The torturing of her parents during the dictatorship is seen as a type of formative violence, to be relived unconsciously by the mother and daughter over the course of their lives, in an inescapable cycle.
This violence also shapes the past, reinterpreted and retold in terms uncovered in the clandestine basement of the police station. The appropriation of family history occurs not only on a discursive level, but also on a physical level, through the image of the narrator trapped in bed. Deformed by the pains of a past she never experienced, confined to a deteriorating materiality, we see a narrator who does not recognize herself, whose body does not belong to her.
This non-recognition spreads and intensifies, yet another mark of exile. Spaces—the different cities she visits, her room, the hospital where she watched her mother die, the apartment used by her parents as a hiding place, the prison cell where the torture takes place—are always described ambiguously.
That is why I am solid, unpolished, still rough.
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Writing allows the trip to begin before the trip, through family photographs. For those who live in exile, the house is only a specter. Exile exists, then, in the form of deprivation of a space of identity. This generation, which can be referred to as the post-generation, lives beneath the shadows of an exile in effect never lived—a spatial displacement never experienced firsthand. This unattainability is precisely what our narrator is searching for.
By considering herself the product of an exile that was never hers, the main character in The House in Smyrna initiates a denaturalization of memory, which comes to be questioned, reconstructed and mediated. Broken space and inaccessible chronology continually reveal the impossibility of unification, while simultaneously exposing the limits of representation. A search for identity that returns to exile is a search for the vestiges of that which is absent.
Absence adheres to space and the narration itself. If you say this to Brazilian novelist Milton Hatoum, he will swiftly remind you that he invented his characters, but then add the caveat that certain elements of his own life influence his fiction. In his most recent novel, A noite da espera Night of Waiting ,. As they tried to live daily life, they watched their classmates get arrested and sometimes disappear into that strange urban landscape. The images and his fragments of fiction inspired our conversation. I recreated the experience later by collaging the images, and attaching to each a quote from the interview and a section of the novel in my English translation.
Choose an image in the collage that calls your attention and click. Experience the quotes from the interview and the novel, like the memory that arises from your subconscious when you see an old photo or visit a place from your childhood. Meander through the memory of the other — that of both fictional Martim and his inventor, Milton Hatoum. Some fragments address the relationship between city space and oppression and the way in which politics are engrained in setting.
Others simply capture the human experience of distance, loneliness, and abandonment. All translations are from the Portuguese by Lara Norgaard. All efforts were made to find the rights to the photographs published in the volume. Please contact us with any information about the images Milton Hatoum is a Brazilian novelist born in Manaus in He has won a range of prizes for his fiction, including the prestigious Jabuti Prize for Relato de um certo Oriente , his first novel, and Cinzas do Norte , for which he also was awarded the Bravo!
Paulo and O Globo. Identify the places where dictatorship violence took place and where resistance pushed back. Visit them and experience history as something real and material, something that leaves its scars in territory. Imbuing places with memories of the past is essential to learning about what the military regime meant for the experience of people of different social groups going about their everyday lives.
It is an extremely important public memory initiative, one relevant for an international audience as well as a local one. A world-famous tourist destination, Rio de Janeiro is filled with invisible traces of a recent oppressive dictatorship — which has as its legacy state violence in the present. Artememoria adapted the 34 sites located in the center zone of Rio de Janeiro, many of which relate to artistic and cultural resistance, developing an interactive, English-language map. Virtually explore the urban fabric of Rio de Janeiro by selecting themes of interest or, if you visit Rio, use this page as an alternative guidebook, one that allows for a deep understanding of Brazilian history and issues of human rights in the past and the present.
This map contains nine central themes, listed below the tenth theme, Rural Repression and Land Conflict, does not apply to the central zone of the city of Rio. The categories highlight some of the research topics considered fundamental to developing a critical memory of the period of the military dictatorship. Note that the themes are not mutually exclusive, nor fully comprehensive, and that not all spaces fit cleanly within each topic. For that reason, each site of memory on this map falls within at least one of the major thematic categories.
It also includes the major events and ideological and political disputes that characterized the s and that resulted in the installation and consolidation of the military regime. This category primarily encompasses the network of institutions and physical spaces responsible for the political oppression carried out during the military regime, including the censorship and propaganda apparatus. It highlights official sites belonging to the Armed Forces, police, or the judiciary as well as clandestine ones.
Also included in this list are spaces in which repressive state action constituted attacks or extreme acts of violence. In that sense, it reveals the military, corporate, and civil bloc that enabled the installation of the military dictatorship and its perpetuation for 21 years. Also included are the civil society organizations and businesses targeted by the dictatorship. Here, we consider political repression against workers and unions, which was one of the most targeted groups during the dictatorship.
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This theme presents the actions carried out by student movement in universities and high schools during the military dictatorship. It encompasses mobilizations and student protests in the struggle against dictatorship, as well as the conservative education policy and violations of human rights that the State committed in universities and the education sector more broadly.
This section relates to the role of the Catholic Church during the military regime, spanning from resistance to the dictatorship on the part of priests, bishops, Catholic youth movements, and neighborhoods to the collaboration of conservative sectors of the Church with the coup. It also deals with the political repression and human rights violations against lay workers, priests, and Catholic activists. This theme describes the processes behind the political-cultural articulation of black resistance to the dictatorship.
It also covers the specific characteristics of political repression and state violence against the black population, its movements, and cultural projects during the military regime. Here, we focus on a range of political and cultural actions critical of the military regime, the various aesthetic languages of resistance to dictatorship, as well as the persecution, censorship, and other restrictions of freedom of speech and political participation that the dictatorship perpetrated.
In that same line of thought, this section also includes initiatives to memorialize the political and social violence of the dictatorship that was carried out during the period after the regime, during the political transition, and after democracy normalized. This theme discusses the redefinition of urban space that occurred due to public policies prioritizing elitist and segregationist housing that were implemented in Rio de Janeiro favelas under the military regime.
It involves the mass forced displacements as well as other forms of violence intended to prevent the mobilization and social-political organization of favela residents. In this section we present mechanisms of resistance of the LGBT lesbian, gay, bisexual, transvestite, and transsexual population during the dictatorship and show the specific acts of discrimination and repression that the regime launched against this part of the population.
This category focuses on the forms of gendered violence practiced by state agents during the military dictatorship. It is one of a series of products that seek to strengthen the reconstruction and promotion of social and historical memory about the military dictatorship, as well as to provide symbolic reparation to those affected by political violence in the state of Rio de Janeiro.
This initiative aims to address a key aspect of the military regime that ruled Brazil between the relationships between the violence of a complex repressive mechanism and the many forms of resistance that reacted to the dictatorship. For this reason, spaces identified in Rio de Janeiro cities and rural areas are the object of study and guiding thread of this project. Though there were broader structures, actors, processes, and context on a regional, national, and international scale , these sites are considered unique and indispensable vessels for understanding the history and memory of repression and resistance from this period.
The reader has in their hands a collective, multi-authored work. Each participant had a distinct perspective, topic of interest, and style in the way they approached the chosen themes and spaces. The lack of sameness did not, however, prevent participants from sharing in the special-temporal premise that grounds the project, the pattern that guides the texts, and, above all, the core goal that drove the initiative: to offer the reader a narrative about what happened in the spaces in question, supported by historical knowledge about the past and the memories of witnesses who lived through the period.
Based on the assumption that historical study historiographical knowledge, as we understand it and memory are complimentary and indispensable. Focused on public space and made for the general public, and under the aegis of human rights and democracy, this memorial process begins to make visible the demands of persecuted and victimized groups. It also begins to make available knowledge about a history that, to a large extent, remains forgotten, ignored, silenced, hidden, and even denied by the State and civil society. The question of memory about repression during the military dictatorship does not assume the existence of a single memory, but instead of a plurality of memories.
This plurality, in the slow and ongoing political process of settling the score with the violent past, involves a varied range of social, institutional, and state actors. Their dynamic implies that some memories try to impose themselves over others in a hegemonic way, even though all memories, through their very historicity, suffer changes.
These changes are inherent to processes of remembering, forgetting, and silencing that occur according to national and international shifts in context political, legal, ideological, and cultural and in the power relations between key actors. Still, the plurality of existing memories about the dictatorship does not erase the fact that the original conflict that has persisted to this day — supported by subjective experiences, lived and communicated — results in an opposition between the accounts and interpretations of associations of the family of dead and disappeared political prisoners, human rights organizations, and social movements on the one hand and, on the other, those of the military and its civilian allies.
The origin of the trauma, absence, and shortfalls in the process of memorializing the past of political violence dates back to the period of the military dictatorship. Its most important characteristics and consequences remained during the political transition to democracy and continue to project themselves, to varying degrees, into the normalization of institutional democracy in the s.
This redemptive narrative would then be repeated and celebrated in army barracks and in yearly official ceremonies. It would also continue to be commemorated in barracks until and, in military clubs, through the present day. These measures grew in intensity and fed into the narrative of a Strong Brazil with the effects of official propaganda, which were revamped as patriotic, moralistic, and anti-subversive. Despite this, groups made up of the families of political prisoners and the disappeared began to demand information from the authorities about the conditions and whereabouts of their relatives as early as At the same time, they would seek out channels to expose crimes committed by the regime.
One can see this in various situations and places included in this collection. Meanwhile, groups of exiled Brazilians abroad and transnational networks of activists for human rights organized reports and lobbied for international recognition of arbitrary imprisonment, systematic torture, killings, and disappearances. In both political contexts, the memory of the groups affected by repression would appear in a varied range of practices and representational forms.
The negative memory of political violence never achieved widespread circulation in Brazilian society. The actors carrying that memory were unable to hold the State accountable for the demands they had made. They remained isolated, socially and politically. These groups prioritized other demands, both old and new, which had been suspended until that point. This strategy created the Amnesty Law, and its dominant interpretation is the most powerful barrier blocking social and historical memory about the dictatorship.
And it was through this new legal-political-ideological mechanism that the guarantee of immunity for the Armed Forces was extracted. The State used this mechanism to plaster with forgetting impunity, concealment, silence, and lies the arbitrary detentions, the torture, the secret military courts operating beyond the rule of law, the killings, and the forced disappearances perpetrated by its agents. It did so in such a way that it could regularly refuse demands made by relatives of the dead and disappeared, former political prisoners, and human rights organizations for the investigation into the facts and the circumstances of what happened, public recognition of what had taken place, reparations for the victims, memorializing measures, and holding the repressive agents criminally responsible.
It is not surprising, given this context, that the government would block any consistent policy or mechanism for transitional justice. Decades would have to pass for the extremely long amnesic phase would show any signs of change. The first significant step took place during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration in After discreet negotiations with the military took place about the thorny topic of dictatorship repression and emphatic assurances that amnesty was not being questioned, the Brazilian State assumed, for the first time, responsibility for the deaths of disappeared political opposition — without investigating the circumstances of those deaths or naming the responsible parties, individual or institutional.
It also guaranteed death certificates for the families — even though the families bore the burden of proof — and monetary reparations which the majority of families had not demanded. There was a marked privatized slant and the clear goal of impeding any public debate about the topic in society. In , in the name of national reconciliation and commitment to close the question of the past at once, the Amnesty Commission was established for the politically persecuted.
These advances tied into the linchpin of reparations and its connections with truth and memory. The result was a complex and contradictory political dynamic driven by four independent forces: the diverse political initiatives taken by the government; the mobilization around demands for memory, truth, and justice, upheld by human rights organizations, social movements, and other collectives; the fledgling process of judicialization, domestically and internationally, in relation to the amnesty law and the right to truth and justice that victims of repression hold this was expressed most clearly in , with the contrasting decisions stated by the Federal Supreme Court STF and the International Court of Human Rights CIDH ; and finally, the reactions, opposition, and negotiations between the Armed Forces and the government at distinct critical moments.
At the same time, in an indirect and contained way, this accumulation of information threw into question legalized impunity. In fact, what one saw was an unprecedented un-amnesic phase developing throughout the political landscape in relation to the military dictatorship. What made this possible was, on the one hand, favorable political conditions on a domestic level, in which a sector of the governmental elite found rapid support and action from long-time actors and new social collectives that had persisted in the struggle not to let the dictatorial past be forgotten.
On the other, a favorable Latin American and global context legalized and legitimized applying international human rights paradigms to the treatment of the recent violent past. This broader context not only circulated mechanisms of transitional justice but also spread the value for traumatic memory for these types of injustices.
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It is in this general framework, and in a situation where a sentence condemning the Brazilian state by the CIDH seemed inevitable, that the novel National Truth Commission entered the political scene. Passed by law in Congress in November along with an absolutely necessary Freedom of Information Act, the CNV was the result of a series of conflicts, negotiations, and interconnected decisions that involved the government, the Armed Forces, human rights organizations, the STF, and leadership from major political parties.
It had broad investigative powers and its primary objectives were to bring to light grave human rights violations perpetrated by the state of exception, recommend preventative measures to prevent the repetition of this kind of regime and to achieve national reconciliation, and to promote the reconstruction of a historical interpretation of the period based on these violations and with an emphasis on the victims.
Once established and operating, the CNV quickly became the impetus for an expansive and unprecedented wave in Brazil, inspiring state and group-specific truth commissions; countless forums for public debate; the multiplying of depositions and testimonies; sensitivity in younger generations; new public and private archives; broad coverage in mass media and spillover onto social media; intensified production on the period in academia and investigative journalism; diverse artistic expressions; and, without a doubt, the most intense moment in the dispute over memory regarding the meaning, knowledge, and interpretations of the military regime, in addition to tributes, monuments, and campaigns to establish museums and sites of memory and education about human rights in various Brazilian cities.
In sum, the CNV inscribed into the memorial process about the military dictatorship a stimulus, acceleration, and breadth of unprecedented activities tied to diverse groups and actors. The height of this action was between March and April , the symbolic moment marking 50 years after the military coup. The CNV crafted a general narrative about the historical experience of the military dictatorship, centered on the question of grave human rights violations committed by the State, as is shown in the Final Report and the 29 recommendations that accompany it, presented to Dilma Rousseff in December It includes the names of the victims who were killed as well as those responsible for the crimes, and recommends opening investigations and court trials.
However, the expanding un-amnesiac phase came abruptly to a close in the extreme two-pronged political and economic crisis that Brazil suffered after the presidential elections — a crisis that, since that time, has not ceased to deepen. The lasting nature of the crisis, permanent uncertainty in the present moment, and the destructive impact of the crisis in diverse contexts political-institutional, economic, social, cultural, ethical generated amnesia about the recent past along with the rapid dissolution of expectations about the future.
In terms of reparation, truth, and memorialization, these effects sharpened under the Temer administration, even before the turbulent impeachment of president Dilma Rousseff had come to a close. Many previous advances were interrupted, cleared out, dismantled. In any case, the current framework shows the fragility of social and historical memory about the military dictatorship, as well as the prevailing weight of the barriers, restrictions, and opposition that appeared throughout the process of transitional justice. There is no dearth of research in history and the social sciences that shows the strong propensity for silence, lack of awareness, and indifference amongst vast swaths of the population in relation to the political past, and specifically, to the recent political past and the military dictatorship.
Above all, this refers to the strategies not explicitly laid out during the period of political transition that have largely persisted for the nearly thirty years of normalizing democratic institutions, not including the important changes in policy, though cut short and precarious, introduced in the last phase of transitional justice. And when it has, that treatment has been slow, truncated, and unequal.
It is for this reason that the challenge of making this project an informal pedagogical tool for awareness and memory of political violence in the past is even more relevant. It is in this context of intense crisis, in a turbulent pre-election political, legal, and media moment that this book arises.
We can also not limit ourselves to a simplified version of the power structures and relationships of the dictatorship in which a single dominant pole is strictly limited to the military and the repressive apparatus while a second pole of resistance consists of a homogenous block of political opposition or armed resistance. On the contrary, the goal of this project is to consider the complex interconnectedness of domination, violence, and resistance by delving into historical landmarks in a comprehensive way, noting changing power relations and the different interpretations and perspectives of various actors from both inside and outside the State.
The last dictatorship was not a government that sustained itself purely on coercion — and, in the same way, the government was not the only entity that carried out violence, nor was political opposition the only target. Resistance did not wear thin during the open conflict between actions and discourses of the most visible actors political parties, unions, social movements, civil society organizations, and underground leftist organizations. And that violence definitely should not be viewed as infrequent or as a deviation from the norm, as it was inherent to this form of political and social domination.
In other words, violence was necessarily tied to the economic, social, political-institutional, and ideological-cultural dimensions of dictatorial order, conditioning and deeply affecting these components of the regime to varying degrees. It would be reformulated into its most intense phase after the Fifth Institutional Act AI-5 and come to be all pervasive, centralized, selective, clandestine, and effective. The violence of the regime affected countless victims through different means physical coercion, purges in the workplace, exile, fear of being tipped off, etc.
State violence and its technological mechanisms for wielding power over the body, specifically against members of armed resistance groups, reached sophisticated levels of cruelty and barbarity. The dictatorship practiced kidnapping, systematic torture, sexual abuse, execution, dismemberment, disappearance, and hid bodily remains. But the repressive structure that cracked down on leftist activists had consequences that deeply affected society as a whole.
This would be the combined effect of disseminating fear of physical coercion and persecution, of censorship and self-censorship in the press, symbolic violence, and official propaganda. The true face of the military regime consisted of the denial of politics, the perversion of legal sense and rights, and a culture of violence and arbitrary acts made banal by the dictatorship. It was a new version of the old matrix of political and social Brazilian authoritarianism.
However, even as the military dictatorship would come to administer repression in a more contained and selective fashion in its final chapter, it never lost the violent, arbitrary, and authoritarian qualities that permeated its institutional mechanisms and practices. But that does not mean that the dictatorship managed to impede the emergence of different forms of resistance and dissidence over the course of its rule. That existed in different contexts and environments, as alluded to in many different spaces in this project. The consequences and impacts of institutionalized violence, however, did not end with the transition to democracy.
These are the individuals who form the heart of current struggles for reparations, memory, truth, and justice. On the other hand, an indeterminate number of unknown victims — individuals and social groups not connected with political opposition to the regime indigenous peoples, peasants, traditional communities, people of color from impoverished peripheral areas, the LGBT community, etc.
Even so, it is worth mentioning that one should not measure the violent character of a dictatorship based on the number of lethal victims or persecuted people that its repressive apparatus produced. In addition to the question of victims, there are still direct legacies of the dictatorship on a constitutional and legislative level, visible remnants that linger in State institutions, administrative structures, and public policy — as well as in the imaginaries, discourses, and social action at the heart of the State and civil society.
These crimes take place in the normative-institutional framework of democracy, under different foreign and domestic historical conditions, and with a social profile that defines new victims young people, the majority of them black and poor. For this reason, the final reports of both the CNV and the CEV-Rio propose a set of recommendations that call attention to the urgent need for institutional measures and reforms, constitutional and legal, in addition to specific public policy and independent social initiatives in varied e-contexts.
This is the way to settle scores with the violent injustice of both the past and the present in terms of reparation, memory, truth, and justice. This project has as its starting point the idea of a place or a site as the territorial location of a specific point in space, represented on a map as coordinates and precise references that, on a small scale, carry the very characteristics of materiality and concreteness. However, we do not fully break away from the distinction between space and place in the sense of an opposition between something global versus something local , nor that between space and time, which necessarily involves prioritizing one concept over the other.
Still, the physical medium of place is social, steeped in subjective temporality and immateriality. Symbolic appropriations, experiences, and the material side of human action that took place in a site in specific contexts host many layers of meaning that end up forming a place filled with memories and histories.
Others — the ones that were sites for protests, social and political struggle, meeting and communication that restored politics as a part of freedom of speech and action in public space — question the lawful and the illegal dimensions of dictatorship order. All of these sites carry the history of the facts that took place there and conflicted memories that condense and materialize in space — memories that, forgotten or ignored by large swaths of the population today, still contain the traces and vestiges of feeling, meaning, and truths experienced by the protagonists of the conflicts and witnesses.
That is why organizations and social collectives fight to establish memory markers in physical space, whether as part of their own initiatives or as part of demands by state institutions. It is for the permanent resident or visitor of the areas contemplated, whose routines, schedules, and everyday movements pivot on these invisible places. And we do this through the conjunction and dialogue between text, maps and the floor plans of some centers of repression , and photographs, specific to each site, and related to territorial, temporal, and thematic aspects of space.
To this end, bibliographic, archival, oral and iconographic history research was conducted both to identify the places that would be included and to build the first drafts of the texts for countless sites. The creation of maps and selection of images was carried out in relation to the state of Rio de Janeiro covering six of eight regions and cities of each of the chosen areas.
In the same way, the project drew on oral history archives and witness testimony that truth commissions CNV, CEV-Rio, and municipal truth commissions gave to the initiative or on the transcriptions of interviews that the researchers on this team carried out. Finally, we should note that the selected detention sites and places where action and repression took place, as well as the sites related to resistance movements in their many forms, are not exhaustive. The city of Rio de Janeiro was, on a national level, one of the areas in which state violence was most heavily exercised and has large numbers of victims and persecuted people including those who came from other states.
It was also a space where many kinds of resistance and social, political, and cultural movements acted against the dictatorship. Many memories and histories are yet to be discovered and told, a vast archive of documents and testimonies to be researched, which would allow us to learn about and spread awareness for the different meanings of a past that continues in the present. O brilho de um astro do rock dura uma estrela cadente. O eclipse do ano coincide com a noite de chuva. Quem mais tem renda consegue pagar menos Imposto de Renda. Quem tem mil amigos virtuais tem alguma dificuldade em encontrar dois deles para um chopinho.
Portanto, antes que nos atrapalhemos de vez, ficamos por aqui. Durou um segundo. Dois, talvez. Ele morde? Vamos visitar a tia Fulana? Ela morde? Aquilo era muito assustador para mim. Ai, minha Nossa Senhora! Como posso continuar vivendo nessa casa? Adormeci, frustrada. Foi um dia complicado. O telefone na caixa postal. Um amigo chegou a ligar duas vezes e mandar mensagens por sms e twitter.
Quanto tempo tenho? Como posso dispor do meu tempo? Deve ser da idade Queria ser adolescente logo. Quando estava com vinte e poucos anos minha vida, como normalmente acontece, tomou um rumo. Era quem eu queria ser, afinal? Nesta semana tenho pensado muito no tempo. Quantas horas devo dormir? Acordar mais cedo? Acho que estou no meio de uma crise. Sou jovem faz muito tempo. Temos que conversar muito com elas. Toma tempo pensar no tempo. Aprendi a ficar comigo mesma, eu e minhas certezas, antes duvidosas. Falo de pessoas. Sobrevivem e circulam ocultando a maldade que habita dentro delas.
Enxovalham os bons sentimentos, cospem na amizade, simulam sensibilidade, tudo sem culpa. Sei dos seus medos, das suas cismas. O ondulado das ondas, a abelha insistindo nos meus cabelos, o perfume de flor de laranjeira, as goiabas maduras, tudo passa a fazer sentido ao teu lado. De qualquer forma, o paulistano se adapta. Como eu disse, o paulistano se adapta. Mas nem sempre. Como aquela banana que, misteriosamente, apodrece antes de amadurecer.
Bem longe disso. Confesso que isso me causa um sentimento indefinido. Quase uma saudade. Como alguns dos nossos craques, somos um povo afoito: passamos da jovem promessa direto para o fim da carreira. Sem escalas, mas sempre mantendo a pose. Mudei de cidade no ano do vestibular, para me preparar para a temida prova que dividiria minha vida. Ele nasceu num doze de dezembro. Se a vista desse para a rua, o rangido silenciaria os carros. O registro de uma amora caindo no gramado. E que ela me concedesse um minuto para eu poder me contar.
Um minuto dos meus, 46 de uma pessoa normal. O estado de absorver a poesia. Escutar mais que dizer. Seria preciso ainda limpar as almas e os rios. Uma estrela cair de dia. Mirar um quadro com todo o tempo do mundo e ir descobrindo. Morar perto de uma escola para ouvir a gritaria de um bando de meninos jogando bola no recreio.
Uma fome moderada. Perdoar os motoqueiros. Calma no tumulto. Ignorar o discurso, desdenhar da promessa e desobedecer o padre. Jump to. Sections of this page. Accessibility Help. Email or Phone Password Forgot account? Log In. Forgot account? Not Now. Information about Page Insights Data. Amo desmaios. Continue Reading. I love I think it's romantic Of the beautiful things of life, in terms of original prettiness, faint only loses to normal childbirth and to volcanic eruptions sulfur and resplandecentemente shredders.
Birth is to be god honorariamente, but if there is something beautiful more divinely ugly than that glorious carnage of a childbirth, I do Passing out is another horror, a defeat, a bankruptcy. Faint is a generic death franchise But think of the beauty of succumb and implode, like a cake that comes out of the oven and withers its hump in contact with the cold Beautiful one people Victorian.
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I have a friend who says she's going to pass out, She says she feels the fainting coming and prepares the people present so they don't think she slept in the middle of the conversation Get up, give the alarm and fall. All Elongated and languid like a caravaggio repainted by Alma-Tadema.
And then he comes back laughing at his own nonsense. It's to glorify standing Or laying down I die of envy. I never took a break. My maximum collapse is to have a black ceiling, and black ceiling is to faint as well as going to beto carrero world is to go to Disney. Black ceiling is a break in programming.
And my black ceilings are always caused by abrupt lifted or from scares of my phobias. I have a lot of Once, the phobic confrontation, it was so horrendous that I thought: now i swoon, yay!! Ta nan nan nan nan nan nan. I was pretty fluffy and random and mom alternating free light tragos with sips of mineral water. Saxophones, trumpets Thought: Fanfare means dummy dummy Empedrei. You know dummy head?? It's people who dress Mickey, Monica's class That keep sending kiss from a mouth that doesn't move?? You know?? Yeah, I have a phobia of a big - I suggested the worst, I suggested mommy, that little cutie, that we walk across the street.
We continue! In the middle of the musicians I saw the image of terror in the form of a frajola, a tweety, a pica pau and a spider man who was the only non-head of the cast of masked, but it was scary Horrendous. Plush Threadbare outfit, crusty gloves, that hard eye Stopped of fear. If there's one thing that makes me panic is dummy head, but clown, for me, is something worse.
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Clown is a lot of fuckery to myself in the form of And what was on the side of the dolls? Yeah, a clown. Dancing gangly with a satin outfit from the time of chariot races. The pee froze in my bladder Clown makes me want to cry And laughing. That's right A Chimp. Armageddon loses. And how was he dressed? Satan, when he's in time, capricha. I started to disappear in myself and some bystanders realized and tried to help They screamed things.
Help here. The Eggheads dolls and their friends stopped the show to help my mother break me. I saw death in the form of micareta coming towards me. I was screaming without a voice My mother asked them not to get close and the fainting just didn't dominated me because, when she realized I was going offline, she threw her backwash of cold water in my face. What a pain I was almost swooning, performing and got rescued from Charon's boat by some drops drops.
I only had a black ceiling and I needed to sit in the Chinese pastel store, have a double glass of cane broth to rearrange my blood sugar and thank you And never again gave me a new chance. When did I first hear that? I don't even remember, which in itself proves how old I was. But how and where did that start? Why did it take me so long to understand, or The first explanation is that old age, as well as weight increase, bummer, bad breath, cornitude and stupidity, is first noticed by others than by the directly "involved". In addition, the fact is that we started the way towards the "best age" one of the most hateful euphemisms ever invented without any instruction, without any map or bull, without anything.
And that to cross what will be the greatest period of our life. Do the math: childhood lasts what? What about, youth? Even with all the extensions, denials and delays, about 25? Maturity is also brief, or even nonexistent. Already old age this one came to stay baby And it's lasting longer and longer.
With all this, no one teaches anyone to grow old Much less starting to grow old. There are guides and manuals for everything: from the creation of babies to attempts to domestication teenagers, to all dilemmas and mimimis of youth, to the ticket increasingly rare and expensive in adult life, but by becoming a " new old " you'll be drifting, no tutorial at all.
This is explained why this business of aging is that neither air conditioning, Playstation and mobile: until recently it was an expensive section and available to very few people. Now getting old, save mistakes and deceits, is almost for everyone. And we also can't help but notice that, in the endless age of "forever young", getting old kind of bad, is something to be avoided at any cost and cost it. There are still rare old people who assume and come out of the closet So much that the day we will see a parade celebrating the day of "elderly pride".
After all, nature and its cycles is only cute at Disney, or for the "environmental left". So, taking advantage of the emergence of this latest niche, I decided to fill this gap and, who knows, earn rivers of money, writing after a vast search of about half an hour on Google this manual of the new Now everyone will be able to be better prepared to overcome the greatest of challenges and overcome the one who is the most traumatic rite of passage of our existence And I say that without the slightest exaggeration: born can be seen as the first trauma, but we don't have the slightest conscience or memory of it, the same can be said, for some lucky ones, about Entering puberty makes us ridiculous and insecure, okay.
The entry into the world of boletos and stamps, which defines the lives of adults at least of many of them is also not papaya with sugar, but will compare this to the endless it's okay that one day ends, but that's not , a good news succession of unpleasant surprises that your body preaches to yourself, from beginning to end of the "last stage". I was young. It's been time since I'm no longer Being young is good But it's not all that either, it's not a big There are wonderful, stupid and bad things, like everything else.
And like everything else, it ends. Youth, when there's no date to end, looks a lot like despair. Youth is studded with certainties. To those who accuse me, using as " evidence " my own youth, of " not being younger " or having " got old ", I confess that I am guilty: I have And so far, I don't regret it. I got here having to strip myself of some "luggage", but that was not only necessary, but also, many times, it was fun and even provided relief.
Old age, for atheists at least, is the only phase, really, insurmountable of life. Then let's go to her Better late than never. Even because the "alternative" the only tested and proven way to never grow old is even worse. I mean the mouth of the stove, of course. My favorite stove mouth has always been the top right, for obvious reasons: much safer, because near the sink and therefore further from the edges. Okay, not every stove is on the left of the sink, but mine always stayed and at least in my memories I send. This is a serious matter even for me. I don't trust anyone who doesn't prefer the right mouth superior to all the others And I avoid even contact with those who use the lower left mouth.
They are irresponsible people, I would say really be, for completely not the danger. But I'm left too. For example, when the subject is the order of members in the bath. I always start lather the left shoulder and so i follow with the whole side of the Until the pinky of the left foot is properly cleaned, I don't step to the right side, where I start by the foot, It is a matter of logical order, more specifically the order of the timetable. And don't tell me that if I was left-handed it would be different, because as far as I know there I'm from center, necessarily, when I go to the movies and the I think in this i have the vast majority, because there can be no one in the world who, if you can choose between free seats, do not choose the Honorable exception for piano concerts, where the right thing is to place strategically in center-left chairs to see the hands of the pianist, as I learned from early on with my father.
The same does not happen, for example, with football games. But in that case specifically there are no scientific reasons, only emotional As I was born and raised in palmeiras matches in the old lecture Italy and since always the organized twisted took the center of the grandstand, me and my brother played every game in the line of the right A matter of tradition even, kept faithfully until today.
I'm right also in the back pocket of the pants where I keep my Excuse me if there are men who do this, but who walks with wallet in the left butt good guy is not. Cup of coffee also puts to the right of the table, something as obvious as being the left ear what hears the phone and the preferred wallet of the classroom be that of the right corner. From the bottom, of course There are still other things I prefer to do with legs and arms that the schedule does not allow me to Speaking of which, my side in bed has always been the left, as well as left is the side of the beard I do first and where I reparto the little hair It is also my left eye that pisco more easily and are the left teeth the first to be brushed.
Pepper's is infinitely better than the b side, as well as the revolver. What no longer happens with magical magical tour, you will understand. The Rice is on the left side of the plate The beans in the right. The Sleeve of the shirt I close first is obviously the left. The foot I put my shoe on first is the right. My daughters fit their heads much better on my left side of the face at hug time.
My wife sleeps better on my right chest I feel more easily the sweet taste on the right side of the tongue, which should be explained by the fact that it was always from the left eye that fell the first I have as many sides as the things I live. And maybe that's precisely why, swinging my whole life from one side to the other, I end up insisting on the middle path.
There's little shade on orange street. The sadness of departure is immensely greater than the joy of arrival. An old envy who is 30 years old, not who is The person says "to coming" when he's leaving. The Well-saw, always in a hurry, little pause to see. Circumflex does not take accent. The greatest musician of all time composed his greatest works without being able to hear a note.
You die laughing, but not crying. It happens from the paragraph not to understand why it opened as was the case In School, geniuses in general are very dumb. Like Tickle, the sneeze prefers to happen at inappropriate times. The brightness of a rock star lasts a shooting star. The usually comes in small portions. The greatest player in the world, the athlete of the century, is having trouble walking. Unlikely to find consolation when you come down at the station. The Eclipse of the year coincides with the rainy night.
The Dog forgives faster than man and he thinks he's superior. Who else has income can pay less income tax. More likely the shot will hit the innocent The passionate sighs even for bad breath. The Spider plays fake when he doesn't understand the fear of men. Chocolate ice cream melts faster than pineapple and that's not fair. Who has a thousand virtual friends has some difficulty finding two of them for a chopinho. The written word is a little less rude than spoken.
Your idols die sooner than the scoundrels It's common for a comedian to find little fun in There are very few places available in the movie rooms called "space". Hard to understand the function of geometry until you start to see little The Company's elevator tries next, but it can't raise the morale of employees.
And the cell phone, which was born as a mobile phone, and today turned the section that most immobilizes people Kids are much taller than my generation, but that doesn't bring them confidence. We have given up hopes, but not giraffes. And There's hardly ever anyone on the drawn of the buildings facing the sea.
The milk of the mother who breastfeeding sleepy is sweeter - so the child cries in the middle of the night. But that's not inconsistency, it's observation. So before we get hurt for good, we'll stick around. The texts that end in baby are already satisfied. Interesting is this yoda way of speaking, excluding the verb and reversing the natural order of the elements in the sentence, I - married, you? The first thing a woman looks in a man is the ring. Or the brand of a newly taken alliance.