The study however does not investigate the quality of these possibilities and does not analyse to what extent comments of citizens find entrance into party politics. Live chats with politicians as well as influential elections, e. The present research has also analysed the parties in and regarding Web 2. From a technical point of view it is easy to include the Web 2. This application offers enormous possibilities for providing users with up-to-date information once they have registered for that feed.
No clear pattern can be found in the new Web 2. In comparison to , parties uploaded a greater number of videos to their sites because videos play a central role in online election campaigns. With this, parties adapted their online strategies to the usage patterns of the population: Between and the use of videos increased from 55 to 62 percent cf. These elements include public opinion polls and forums. In , these offers were few, and so far they have only been expanded in a limited manner especially by the FDP. The strong increase in multimedia content points to the fact that the technical possibilities of Web 2.
This, however, does not imply a move towards participation. IVW To solicit the votes of adolescents, the parties have to follow them onto the internet: In , the Allensbach study showed that the internet has surpassed the newspaper as the most popular information source of the below 40 year old constituency cf. Especially concerning studiVZ, the parties have adapted to the conventions of this network in order to appeal to young people. On the platform the word is used individually and can therefore vary in meaning cf. Skopec Personal homepages of politicians have been the standard for years, but during election campaigns the parties have also discovered social networks as a means for getting their message out.
The social democrats, i. Schneider ; Roggenkamp On Facebook, protest campaigns are advertised, and users can comment on the current political state or participate in live chats. This kind of networking thus does not allow conclusions regarding the will to offer participation. Twitter is rather used as an instrument for attracting interest. Via discussion forum and wiki the party gives citizens the possibility to engage with party politics. In this context, parties could establish points of intersection in order to promote deliberation.
But so far the results generally show that German political parties offer too few participatory elements for the implementation of deliberative politics cf. Characteristic of Web 2. Friedmann 45; Kilian et al. Therefore, there can be no talk of a dehierarchization of political communication, because people are given too few opportunities to discuss contents - communication remains top-down: the party dictates the content while the public listens. With respect to the Federal State of Bremen, however, the study has already been completed and the results allow a number of conclusions regarding the federal level.
Relating to the possibilities of Web 2. From this one can infer that politics has not yet recognized the importance of the web. The percentage of the public using the internet was underestimated and the concept of Web 2. But the main problem was the scepticism regarding illegal content, which could potentially be posted by users cf. Witte et al. The operators of the web pages feel responsible for the content and have only limited personnel and financial resources for its control cf. During election campaigns there are sufficient funds, but apparently they are not or only little used for participation on the internet, possibly because this would also make it more difficult to govern the discourse.
In her research concerning political institutions in Austria, Brunauer even states that the scepticism is greater the more a Web 2. Brunauer Parties, however, spend more time in social networks in order to enlist new members or voters and place greater emphasis on activities that go beyond their own party websites. Their sites do contain communities for networking of like-minded groups cf.
Dahlberg , but this form of networking is less pronounced than other network activities. The fact that all parties are using YouTube is logical insofar as this platform is the market leader among video platforms cf. Hitwise There are two other reasons for focussing on video presentation on the internet.
On the one hand, 60 percent of the German households have a broadband connection cf. Bitkom and therefore easy access to videos. On the other hand, the use of videos on the internet strongly increased. Among the 14 to 29 year old users 82 percent regularly viewed videos on the internet cf. The German parties therefore follow the users onto the web and try to reach them by means of videos, primarily during the election campaign.
The German election campaigns have always used the American standard as a role model. But the German political system is not comparable with that of the U. The theoretical discussion has shown that the internet and Web 2. Web 2. The applications and technologies of Web 2. The hierarchical top-down communication flow with its one-way structures could be dissolved in Web 2. If the results of this deliberation are then utilized, the legitimation of political decisions is simultaneously secured by ensuring democratic input and output cf. Coenen 4f.
The potential for an increase in democracy is thus given. But as Dahlberg states, a re-democratisation in view of the fragmentation of the public only exists if platforms are offered for inter-discursive contestation, especially of the dominating discourse Dahlberg ; Habermas Political parties ought to be possible carriers of these platforms. This raises the question of in what way political parties can serve as a kind of junction in order to re-unite the possibly fragmented parts of the public.
For this purpose they must operate in the, to a certain extent already occupied, parts of the net, for example in social networks. Furthermore, they must offer participation possibilities on their own websites in order to create these junctions, so that the already fragmented public can meet on them. If then they link to each other in the political discourses, the fragmentation could be bridged. The conclusion of the analysis instead is as surprising as disillusioning: The websites of the parties do not offer many possibilities for public participation in political decisions.
Although the politicians are active on social platforms such as studiVZ and Facebook, it seems that this is solely for marketing purposes and not for facilitating political participation. The empirical investigation has shown that Web 2. Thus, there can be no talk of a structural change of the public sphere. The political parties have admittedly extended their activities to social networking sites and follow young adults into the highly used studiVZ in order to approach a possible new electorate and to bind already existing electors.
Facebook and Twitter are also newly integrated social networks that receive a strong interest from the parties. At least at studiVZ and Facebook the user is given the chance to leave a comment and to discuss political content. Also the FDP started to offer participatory elements such as a discussion forum and a wiki. But in what way these comments and discussions are integrated into political decision making processes is a question for content analysis or — in the research project following — qualitative interviews.
On their own websites, the political parties generally stick to traditional modes of communication and offer only few possibilities to engage in their political communication. The main augmentation in terms of Web 2. This however does not lead to more political participation as users themselves are not able to submit content.
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Further analysis of the developments in and after the election campaign by the authors follow. The results of the empirical research have shown that the online communication of the federal political parties of Germany offers only few applications that hint at a development towards a deliberative democracy.
And these few offered applications are in turn first and foremost geared towards like-minded groups. Inter-discursive contestation is still not possible: Users can take part in political occurrences through social platforms or party-integrated communities, but are not able to take part in decision-making processes. In addition to that another survey was taken in February to determine if the websites had changed a few months after the election. The new results of the study shortly before and after the election show that there is a noticeable change in reference to participation because CDU and SPD implemented a live chat in which citizens can discuss issues with politicians.
The FDP and the Lefts went one step further by integrating citizens in the election campaign asking them to decide on the party program or to discuss current topics.
Fortbildung Moodle und Web im Fremdsprachenunterricht
This is more than any other party offers, especially since these parties assert that they will use the feedback to improve their programs. Whether they will actually do that cannot be proved now; this is an opportunity for further research. Implementing live chats and asking citizens about political issues presents new possibilities for participation. In February , the FDP still asked citizens to decide on the election program. This can definitely be called progress towards participation.
It is likely that other parties will follow them. Including the opinions and ideas of citizens would take this one step further. If this is the case one could argue that Web 2. Abramson, P.
Claggett, W. Recruitment and political participation. Political Research Quarterly , 54, Eine Untersuchung am Beispiel von Weblogs im Bundestagswahlkampf In: Gabriel, Oscar W. Bimber, B. Polity 31 1 — Bitkom : Schmalband-Internet wird kaum noch genutzt.
Retrieval date: Blumler, Jay G. Bode, Bernhard : Wahlbeteiligung ein Alarmsignal. In: Deutscher Bundestag Eds. Bonfadelli, Heinz Die Wissenskluftperspektive. Massenmedien und gesellschaftliche Information. Band 2: Anwendungsfelder: Wirtschaft, Politik, Publizistik. Budge, Ian : The new challenge of direct democracy. Oxford: Polity Press. Bundesverfassungsgericht 44, Bundesverfassungsgericht 85, Dahlberg, Lincoln : Rethinking the fragmentation of the cyberpublic: from consensus to contestation. Sozialpsychologie des Internet. Gabriel, Oscar W. Hayward, Jack ed.
Hitwise : Top Social Networking Websites. Jensen, M. The Information Society, Vol 23, No 1, pp. Kilian, Thomas; Hass, Berthold H. In: dies. Krueger, B. American Politics Research, 30, pp. Krueger, Brian S. American Politics Research, Volume 34 Number 6, pp. Leggewie, Claus; Bieber, Christoph : Demokratie 2. In: Offe, Claus Ed. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag. Poguntke, Thomas : Politische Parteien. In: Gabriel, Oscar; Holtmann, Everhard eds.
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Oldenbourg Verlag, pp. In: ebd. Sarcinelli, Ulrich b : Parteien. Scharpf, Fritz W. Schneider, Johannes : Gruscheln wie Obama. In: Der Tagesspiegel vom 4. Mai Sclove, R. In: Brook, J. Shah, Dhavan V. Communication Research, 32 5 , pp. Skopec, Oliver : Antworten von Oliver Skopec. Statistisches Bundesamt Ed. Teilen Einbetten.
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In den Warenkorb. Here are gathered spells drawn from over thirty years of Call of Cthulhu supplements and scenarios. Each spell has been revised for the Call of Cthulhu 7th edition game, including optional Deeper Magic for the most powerful of Mythos sorcerers and monsters, with which to beguile and confound investigators. Packed full of advice and guidance on diverse matters including spell names, elements of spell casting, magical components, and astronomical considerations.
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