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To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. Log In Sign Up. Pierre Bourdieu: A conservative revolution in French publishing. Anthony Pym. April This translation was completed by Mieranda Vlot in and then revised by Anthony Pym, with assistance from Sandra Poupaud. An excellent translation by Ryan Fraser was then published in the journal.

This version includes the four graphs that were published, in color, in the French original. Our translation into English has been carried out to address the needs of graduate students and researchers working in the field of Translation Studies, who are increasingly aware of the need to integrate sociological perspectives into their work. To suit the needs of this particular readership, the syntax in the translation is considerably simpler than that of the original.

So if you think the English is hard, try the French. In so doing, we have removed a set of formal features that were perhaps not entirely gratuitous in their original context. When launching this assault on the literary institutions of his day, Bourdieu took care to show that he too knew how to write. He was no merely descriptive sociologist; his work had every right to enter high humanist culture, indeed the Olympus of literary universals that he opposes to the merely commercial concern of the larger publishers.

In sacrificing much of the style syntax, though not terminology , we rob the text of part of its defensive arsenal. Bourdieu positions himself aloof from the world of best-sellers, ridiculed as being Americanized, as not revealing anything about social relations, and as being for women. This would seem a very French defense of literature as an exception culturelle, an area not subject to the normal rules of commerce and certainly not open to free international trade. Almost despite the sociology, Bourdieu takes root within the literary field he seeks to analyze. We have chosen this text because it is one of the very few sociological studies of the literary field that explicitly analyzes the role of translations.

We would not, however, suggest that the study meets all the standards of solid sociology. First, on the empirical level, the survey was carried out in on only 61 publishers 56 in the graphs , without any serious attempt being made to justify the selection of this particular sample we do not know how many publishers there are in France, but of them are members of the professional association, the BIEF. One might nevertheless hope that the area sampling is good enough to indicate what is going on.

There is much bravura in the repeated claims that once you grasp the structure, you understand the rest.

Erin Livingston/Jon deVaal/St. Paul Hotel

Unfortunately the structure is not extended here to include any self-doubts within the position of the sociologist. Third, the historical location of the study puts it prior to any serious consideration of the role of technology, especially the Internet, in minoritizing the production and reception of literature. Perhaps the conclusions need not be so pessimistic.

French-Canadian Trappers of the American Plains and Rockies

Bourdieu makes no attempt to pursue this international aspect. The fact that, to our knowledge, this text has not been previously translated into English might indeed indicate a certain closure of our language. Yet we do remain interested in Bourdieu. Anthony Pym Publishers have the extraordinary power to assure public-ation; they give an author and a text public existence. This particular kind of creativity usually involves a consecration, a transfer of symbolic capital like a preface, written by another author.

In order to understand this process, we must study the institutional mechanism reading committees, readers, series editors, etc.

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These agents include not only the publishers themselves and those close to them, but also the specific commissions and committees, the series editors, the professional readers, the administrative staff, the influential advisers who can act as unofficial series editors, and perhaps the translators, who may be responsible for the publication of foreign authors. The logic of the publishing field generates a certain literary belief, informing interactions that are more or less magical or enchanted.

The agents forget that their interactions are determined by the structure of the publishing field as a whole. This structure determines the size and form of the unit responsible for the decision to publish. In terms of the old dilemma dear to Flaubert, they may opt either for art or for fmoney. Each publishing house occupies, at a given moment, a position in the publishing field. This position depends on the distribution of rare resources economic, symbolic, technical, etc.

The position defines the system of constraints and objectives imposed on the agents, and thus their margin for maneuver, which is often very narrow and concerns no more than the confrontations and struggles between the players of the publishing game. The most significant changes in the policies of publishers can thus be related to changes in the position that they occupy in the field. Such changes may include movement toward the dominant positions, accompanied by a tendency to manage skills rather than embark on any search for things new.

In fact, the authors are directed, when proposing their manuscripts, by a more of less fair representation of the various publishing houses, or at least those that are related to schools of thought for example, the Nouveau roman or to great names of the present or past. This representation guides the behavior of all the actors, including the publishers themselves and the critics.

Attached to each position in the publishing field is a system of constraints and aims, all defined at least negatively. The resulting system is designed to redirect its occupants towards a class of positions. This experience was one of enchantment followed by disenchantment.

Those highly select members are the victims of a symbolic violence that they themselves endure with a kind of rapture. They will only see that violence later, in retrospect, on the other side of a crisis of some kind. Their belief in literature will last until the final disillusion that, as in fairytales, suddenly breaks the spell. This is a double truth sometimes experienced in flashes, in the quasi-schizophrenic unfolding of those who know and do not want to know. The agents are unceasingly separated from the truth of the institution by the screen of a constantly maintained individual and collective denial.

That discovery somehow does not include perception of the true usefulness of the Committee as a bank of social capital and symbolic capital. Through those capitals, the publishing house can exert pressure on the academies and literary awards, the radio, television and newspapers. Several of the committee members are known for their networks of literary connections; two of them are quoted in an article devoted to the thirty most powerful people in publishing, and roughly half of them are in charge of literary reviews and programs on the radio or in newspapers: Consider the case of the publisher Grasset.

Yves Berger, the literary director, exerts great influence on the award of literary prizes.

(PDF) Pierre Bourdieu: A conservative revolution in French publishing | Anthony Pym -

Jean-Paul Enthoven, the publishing director, is on the editorial board of the general news magazine Le Point. On the strictly literary level, this double game plays with itself. It adopts a form that authorizes the double truth of an experience where the mythical vision or ideal coexists with everything that obviously contradicts it. To understand this form, read the letters, particularly the first, that a member of the Committee, Jean-Marie Laclavetine, a writer working as a reader-selector, addresses to Jean Lahougue, a writer who has been refused although he had previously been published.

Or the refusals might be based on the critical reviews, not always consciously conservative, that are used to justify one of the most extraordinary literary restorations: a return to orthodoxy, like a right orthe belief doxa that is also of the right. In this article we shall describe the antagonism between the established companies and the small new publishers who, in order to impose themselves, must return to the same artistic belief and the strictest religion of art.

This most lucid of observers nevertheless misses the structural changes within the familiar microcosm, which he at once exalts and privately hates. Deguy ends up blaming people or poorly planned organisations the secretariat in particular for the trends and evolutions that he cannot see. Why does the structural explanation thus outlined ultimately play hardly any role? Perhaps this is because no one really looks for it in itself; no one methodically pushes to the end with all the means of investigation available such is the very definition of scientific intention, very logically excluded from literary practice.

The structural explanation is thus unable to provide a systematic vision of the game conceived and constructed as such. Research, on the other hand, can do this, enabling us to thwart the appearance of fatality and to overcome the apparent fatalism. In order to avoid this, we must approach the publishing field as a relatively autonomous social space. This means that it is able to retranslate in terms of its own logic all the external forces, especially economic and political forces.

To analyze the determinants of these strategies, one must identify, among the companies with a nominal existence certified at least by the presence of a name on a cover, like Fayard, Laffont, etc.

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In our research, this selection was difficult due to the fact that the publishers are linked by a whole network of complex relations: financial through more or less important capital shares , commercial through distribution , and family. Another difficulty is the extreme closure of this professional environment, which is highly concerned with protecting itself from intrusion and interrogation. French publishers are little inclined to provide strategic information, especially sales figures or the social profiles of the directors.

The population we have studied comprises 61 publishers of French or translated literature who published between July and July Of these, 56 were active elements and 5 were supplementary elements in our analysis of the multiple correspondences. We did not seek to undertake an exhaustive census of French publishers, or even of the publishers of literature, nor an analysis of a representative sample of this population. Our aim was to extract the structure of the literary publishing field. We thus excluded publishers of social sciences, although we are well aware that the majority of the publishers of literature carry works of social science in their catalogues.

We also excluded publishers specializing in paperbacks re-editions , art books, practical books, dictionaries or encyclopedias and schoolbooks, as well as the book clubs France-Loisirs, Le Grand Livre du mois. Similarly excluded were the publishers too small to affirm their existence in this field by exerting real effects and for which it is extremely difficult to collect the data necessary for statistical analysis.

The degree to which publishers can make their own decisions is difficult to measure, particularly when the publisher is a subsidiary of a group. The degree of independence can also vary in the course of time. This is why each subsidiary company was examined in detail in order to identify those that have real editorial independence. The difficulty is increased by the fact that, the bigger and more compartmentalized a publisher is, the more its institutional decision-making tends to gain in extension and apparent complexity.

A big publisher may thus function like a subfield for clashes between agents of different weight financial, commercial, literary , each of which depends on the position of the decision-making apparatus within the overall publishing field and which can vary in the course of time according to changes in this position and the type of work under discussion. The selected publishing units are most often in independent companies or subsidiary companies with their own capital. The Fixot label, which publishes only essays, was kept as an additional element.

Similarly, Rivages-Payot, resulting from the purchase of Rivages by Payot-France, was treated as a group, the two companies being closely linked at the level of the distribution of publishing assignments, capital and turnover. The brand Rivages was treated as an active element and Payot was an additional element. The construction of the relevant characteristics Sixteen variables, divided into five groups, were used to portray the space occupied by the publishers.

The size of the company is an index combining capital stock, turnover and to a lesser extent the number of directors. The index could not be compiled for 4 companies because of a lack of information. Added to these two variables is the number of salaried staff 5 categories : from 1 to 3 salaried staff 15 ; from 4 to 9 14 ; from 10 to 40 11 ; from 40 to 6 ; from to 5. These data could not be obtained for 5 companies. Financial or commercial dependence with other publishers The dependence variable concerns the acquisitions of other publishers in the capital of the publisher. It has two values: there is a publisher among the shareholders 20 ; there is no publisher among the shareholders Market share We were unable to measure commercial success from the average print-runs, since those figures were not made available to us.

We noted the rank occupied by the publisher in each list published during the reference year. The publisher in first place receives 15 points, in second place, 14 points, and so on. To build the index, the average of the two lists was taken.

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Five values were thus distinguished: 0 mentions 28 ; 1 to 11 8 ; 14 to 8 ; to 6 ; more than 6. There were two values: yes 13 and no The ability to obtain government assistance can also help reinforce the commercial strength of a publisher. The two lists gave the numbers of subsidized titles. The accumulated symbolic capital can be measured from an index based on the list of contemporary French authors provided by Jurt, in which the authors are classified according to the number of times where they are quoted in a corpus of 28 textbooks of literary history, dictionaries or literary panoramas published after the Second World War.

As a first step, we collected the first 80 authors those quoted the most often then assigned a point to each publisher by text published. The information could not be obtained for two publishers. The dominant language translated reveals the position of the publisher in the sector. We built a variable comprising the different languages in the sample of publishers. There are ten language groups G 1 to G 10 from the 50 publishers providing the information. Figure 1 shows the various publishers distributed, on the horizontal axis, from largest and oldest to smallest and most recent.

The largest are able to accumulate financial and symbolic capital and can thus dominate the market, as demonstrated by their position on the best-seller lists. They do this in various ways, including the influence they exert on the national literary awards and the press. They practically never reach the best- seller lists. Intermediate positions are occupied by publishers with access to dominant positions like prize juries or national awards. There is then a group mainly comprising small private limited liability companies, created after , with reduced salaried staff less than 10 , with little symbolic capital and limited commercial success.

These are private limited liability companies located in the French provinces or abroad. They are not on the best-seller list. This group of very small publishers are complemented by a class mostly made up of Parisian publishers [in gray, blue and green] founded after , with a salaried staff of more than 10, of average importance, half private limited liability companies, and almost all of them publishing translations from English. These small innovative publishers play a very limited role in the overall publishing game.

They thus become one of its principles of transformation. Poor and powerless, the smaller publishers are somehow condemned to respect the official standards professed and proclaimed by all. We are virtuous by obligation. I do not publish work from journalists who are going to write articles afterwards. Bear in mind that such mechanisms are also places for accumulating social capital, sets of useful connections for promoting authors and books. The small publishers are thus absent or excluded from all the games of the leading publishing business.

Those games include the race for literary prizes, the use of publicity, the art of cultivating social contacts and journalist accomplices the small publishers usually do not have press agents , and competition for the big international best-sellers. They publish fewer English-language authors than the others, even though their catalogues often include a particularly large percentage more than a quarter of translations. The small bookstores defend the small publishers and avant-garde authors with a devotion close to priesthood. Their network of representatives provides a very commercially effective counterweight to the commercial power and the advertising assets of the large publishing houses.

An analysis of the publishing field should ideally take into account all the agents who, although they do not have any official status, play roles as taste makers. These agents intervene in the field through their power to consecrate and influence the circulation of books. They include taste-makers empowered by appearances on television, as is the case of Guillaume Durand or Bernard Pivot. In short, there is a confrontation between the small and the large publishers. This is most clearly seen in total volumes of capital. The large older companies, whose paradigm is Gallimard, accumulate capital of all kinds economic, commercial and symbolic.

This incipient symbolic capital is almost impossible to identify through the available sociological indicators. As such, the process requires considerable time. The second axis Figures 1 and 2 positions the publishing houses according to the structure of their capital, i. On this second axis, the publishers are distributed according to the degree and the form of their dependence on other publishers, with respect to both share holdings and book distribution. We find that the old mid-sized publishing houses, generally dependent, have economic capital that far exceeds their current symbolic capital even if they have vestiges of a great past.

Resolutely oriented toward more or less exclusively commercial ends, they contrast on the one hand with the large publishers consecrated in all respects, and on the other with the small powerless publishers. These publishers are mostly subsidiary companies of large groups they often have a publisher among their shareholders. They are still well positioned from the economic capital point of view. However, the weakness of their symbolic capital means that their capital structure is asymmetrical as opposed to the companies located at the two ends of the first axis, which are homogeneous from the point of view of the two types of capital.

These are essentially subsidiary companies with the status of public limited liability companies founded before , with 10 to salaried staff, of average size and with considerable success with best-sellers. This class corresponds closely enough to the group of companies located at the bottom of the diagram. Yet these publishers produce either literature without originality or commercial literature that only allodoxia could see as innovative.

On the third axis, at one end we find mainly the publishers who publish no or very few translations mostly from small rare languages and at the other are those that, more subject to the constraints of the market, translate a great deal especially from English , producing commercial literature with more or less guaranteed success Figures 3 and 4. One might suspect that the publishing strategies the taking of positions result from the positions actually occupied in the field.

Publishing houses that occupy positions close to each other do indeed have rather similar policies with regard to translations for example. They may even tend toward genuine solidarity, at least at the dominated end of the field. Nonetheless, these constraints are mediated by the dispositions of the various agents. We would have liked to include the distinctive properties of the human publishers themselves among the system of explanatory factors. This is all information that, as many observers realize, is protected by a barrier of particularly formidable secrecy.

Documentary analysis and ethnographic investigation nevertheless show a rough correspondence between the characteristics of the publishers as people and the features of their publishing houses. The logic behind this correspondence is simple. The small houses are more likely to be run by publishers who are younger and female, of relatively high social origin, endowed with good knowledge of literature, and highly dedicated to their work, both intellectually and emotionally.

The large publishing houses are more likely to be in the hands of heirs or technicians, either trained on the job or legitimated by the occasional academic degree. The new publishing houses are more likely to have been established by those currently running them, thus occupying positions created in their own image. In the case of the established publishers, on the other hand, the position will most often produce its occupant, either by way of inheritance there are many heirs in the profession—sons, daughters, nephews or nieces or by inviting in carefully selected outsiders.

Either way, the publishing house tends to have a director in its image. A further principle of differentiation is the specific competence that is the condition for success or failure in the profession.

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A book is an object with both economic and symbolic sides; it is at the same time product and signification. Publishers are thus double characters who should know how to reconcile art and money, the love of literature and the quest for profit. Their strategies must be located somewhere between realistic or cynical submittal to commercial considerations, and heroic or foolish indifference to financial needs.

The competence of the publisher—and of all those who are involved with books, in any role—is made up of two antagonistic parts plus the ability to harmonious those parts. The ideal publisher would be both an inspired speculator, placing bets at the highest risk, and a stringent accountant, parsimoniously counting the results.

This is a classic, although not a major source about the French on the Santa Fe Trail. It contains references on the French people that Gregg encountered, and uses numerous French expressions revealing how widely the French language was used in the West in the 19 th century.

Wah-to-yah and the Taos Trail. By Lewis H. Garrard, University of Oklahoma Press Norman. Originally published in This is an account of his travel to the West by Garrard, then only 17 years old. Includes references to the French and to French expressions used on the trail, too numerous to mention. The Prairie Traveler. By Randolph B. Marcy, Captain U. Applewood Books, Bedford, Massachusetts. This is a practical manual for safe travel across the prairies to the West.

This book is not about the French although it describes French surveying techniques to measure stream crossings and recommends canned vegetables from Chollet and Co.

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Edited by LeRoy R. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln and London. Bison Books printing Vrain, Sarpy and Baronet Vasquez. Hafen, a volume collection published by the A. Clark Company, including almost mini-biographies, most pages long. By David J. Weber, University of Oklahoma Press, A remarkable treatment of the subject, the first comprehensive history of the southwestern fur trade, which was the work of independent Mexican, French and American traders and trappers. The classics among the many books written about the Catholic Church in New Mexico include, in order of original publication:.

James H. Steel, S. This book was originally published in by Reverend James H. Bishop Lamy was retired at the time this book was written, and most certainly was consulted by Defouri. This re-edition by Thomas Steel includes a most useful preface setting the scene, a commentary at the beginning of each chapter and brief comments in brackets, making the book a must-read. Louis H. Machebeuf was the friend and fellow priest of Bishop Lamy, and became bishop of Denver. Thomas J. An must-have book as reference, unfortunately hard to find. Nancy Hanks wrote her dissertation on the French clergy in New Mexico.

This book tells the story of each of the estimated priests who served the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, of whom were French. Francis Cathedral in Santa Fe? Above is the link to the video of the dedication of the Elena Gallegos wife of Jacques Grolet historical marker which was dedicated in September I am seeking to contact descendants and lovers of history for my upcoming book.

Please share your knowledge, memories, memorabilia and photographs.