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Cancel Send. That defense aimed at defeating the Soviet Union. By the s, the U. At the same time, its members were jetting between five-star conferences and enjoying deference as if exercising some sort of hegemony, dispensing billions of dollars in aid money plus various forms of access to America. Imperial Pashas in all but name, they identified with a process that was rewarding in and of itself and which they imagined could last indefinitely.

But the reality of war has shown the unreality of what they have been about. The bipartisan campaign to convince Americans that the U. By organizing this community for action, Americans would sacrifice nothing while gaining allies to safeguard their peace. In June of that year one of the U.

By December, after the U. They stopped after having killed some 50, Americans, and only after President Eisenhower seemed ready to use the atom bombs that his predecessor had denied to MacArthur.

The Korean War is essential to understanding how our foreign policy class has handled conflict ever since. Korea reversed that premise. With help from the Soviet Union and U. The Soviet-Chinese axis quickly adapted the Korea pattern to Vietnam, with even more profound results. As the U. All but one of the U. One will search fruitlessly for differences between the contemporary U. But on the level of conception, our Progressive foreign policy class has strengthened its hold on the bureaucracies, academe, think tanks, and press during the 40 years since Vietnam, as if that disaster had been a rousing success.

Our Progressive foreign policy class has continued to prosper because its unanimity about fundamental assumptions has throttled critiques from within and scorned any from outside. As a result, the differences end up having little practical meaning. Realists, seeing themselves as dispassionate technicians of power for the sake of international order, think foreigners are similarly amenable to the steps needed to achieve peaceful international equilibria.

They expect to be treated as such. But as they have dealt with the world, they have sown disrespect for themselves and for our America. Americans are genetically opposed to empires and favorable to republics. But the Men On Mount Rushmore knew that their right and duty in regard to popular government stops at the U. Progressives, by contrast, have pursued anti-imperialism to the point of practicing something like an imperialism of their own.

Beginning in the Wilson administration, they ran a foreign policy actively hostile to the empires of Britain, France, Holland, Portugal, etc. They also sponsored and raised up many of their leaders, imagining that these leaders reciprocated the affection. They were surprised when their creation turned on America. Trying to curry favor with such, but also out of ideological solidarity, the U. In December the Soviet Union gathered terrorist groups small and large in Havana for the Tricontinental Conference, whose symbol was a globe resting on crossed submachine guns and whose working groups examined techniques for terrorizing Americans.

Terrorists from around the world exchanged best practices through World Marxist Review , published in Prague.

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Castro was the first to encourage would be revolutionaries to hijack airplanes to Cuba. Our foreign policy class refused to countenance responding forcefully to this act of war.

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Instead, it persuaded President Nixon to ban guns on commercial aircraft. By the time the Soviet Union passed away, the U. In it assassinated U. In , having hijacked the cruise ship Achille Lauro , it rolled overboard a wheelchair bound American Jew, Leon Klinghoffer. And much more. S sailor Robert Stethem. But the U.

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By the s, respect for America had fallen so low in the minds of so many that any and all reasons sufficed to accelerate anti-American terrorism. By the 21st century, the failure of American foreign policy had thus come home to the average American. Correctly, this class sees the election as the validation or rejection of what they are all about. But whether electing Clinton would or could confirm their hold on the machinery of policy, or how long a respite from their detractors might endure, is by no means clear.

Electing Clinton would neither restore lost respect nor induce the foreign policy class to seriously consider what they have been doing wrong all these years. Thus, Progressives have touted disarmament, arms control, or reduction of armaments, as a matter of principle for a hundred years. But one can find few members of that class who, themselves, would be willing to commit such senseless vengeance. The foreign policy class has also recognized that supporting allies with some degree of credibility against nuclear powers requires the capacity and willingness to use nuclear weapons militarily.

Power, like water and much else, flows downhill. This neglects the truth that allies, like bank loans, are available in inverse proportion to the need for them. By the same token, Ukrainians would more likely put faith in an America that was pursuing policy toward Russia that was clear and forceful because it put America first than an alliance that supports its armed forces with American Meals Ready to Eat. Where does anyone think that such policies will lead America over the next decade?

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Inexorably, Progressive foreign policy is gravitating in the direction of foreign Progressive forces. From government, the media, and the universities, Progressives indict as racists anyone who imputes responsibility for terrorism to Arabs, Muslims, or Islam. Any Progressive president would find it hard to depart from this part of his tribal identity, least of all Hillary Clinton, whose top aide, Huma Abedin, is deeply connected to the Muslim world.

Imagine, then, what effects the intensification of U. The election is about whether that pattern should change. How much, if at all, it would change under Trump matters much less than the mere possibility it might change.