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His work is noted, as well for the simplicity, elegance, and fidelity, with which his labours are crowned, as for the learned explanatory notes with which he illustrates the sayings of that wise monarch. The version of the Psalms of the royal prophet put into Latin verse was brought out to the public without the least hindrance ; and, in fact, with the universal applause of the doctors and the sanction of the judges of the Holy Office ; but the Castilian translation remained unedited, to the regret of those who had been able to discover and admire its beauties.

The example of Benito Arias Montano was imme- diately followed by many other Spanish poets, mostly friars, who translated into the Castilian tongue, and in verse, several of the Psalms of the prophet-king. But the translators of these works were never permitted the use of prose, except only in commentaries or interpre- tations ; and if by chance they dared to go contrary to the rigorous orders of the Holy Office in this respect, dungeons, torments, and sometimes the fire, were the punishments inflicted on those who had so attempted to interfere with the people in things pertaining to doctrine.

Indeed, to such a pitch did the obstinacy and opposition of the inquisitors on this point arrive, that, whilst it was giving its sanc- tion to the printing of a Castilian translation, in verse, of the book of Job, it prohibited, in its ex- purgatorial indexes, those versions of the same work which were in prose. In reality, they did not wish that the text, faithfully rendered in Castilian, should circulate from hand to hand, and thereby aftbrd the common people an opportunity of interpreting the holy writings in their own way.

But there was no such fear when rendered into verse ; for however justly and faithfully they might follow the originals, yet still it was always considered, by those who perused such works, that the versification was not in all respects conformable to the originals, because of the liberty conceded to those who took upon themselves the task of reducing the thoughts of foreign authors into other metres and other lan- guages.

Although the Holy Office was so severe in this and other cases, yet there were some in which its accustomed rigour was mitigated. We find this fully veri- fied by a learned man of the sixteenth century, called Lorenzo Palmireno, who, in a small treatise which he composed upon " the easy imitation of the rhetorical elegancies of Marcus Tullius Cicero in ," makes the following very remarkable state- ment : — " In the account which I give, below, of the Catholic Commentators of Cicero, I state that Sixtus Betuleius is prohibited as to all his works ; because when I so wrote I had in my hand the catalogue of Pope Paul IV.

But, after finishing the work, and comparing it with the catalogue of the Holy Office of Castile, I found it was only pro- hibited as to the offices of Cicero. God grant long life to the inquisitor-general, who has been, in this and other hooks, more liberal to the studious than the Pope has been ; for if they ivere to deprive us of the Adagia of Erasmus, as the Pope has ivished, by his catalogue, to do, we should indeed have toil enough, and be in a pretty condition.

Zaragoza en casa de Pedro Bermiz, There is something truly pitiable in the words of Lorenzo Palmireno, when he comes out to praise the liberality of the inquisitors in permitting, to those in pursuit of Greek and Roman erudition, the enjoyment of this or that book included in the papal indexes of Paul VI. Pew, however, were the in- stances in which the ministers of the Holy Office were careful thus to facilitate the studies of wise men ; so that the case above referred to by the distinguished Yalentian philosopher might appear almost incredible.

All the works cited prove that in Spain there was, in the sixteenth century, sufficient culture to suggest, and cause to be demanded, a reformation in the church. Perhaps, if Luther had not raised his voice against the court of Rome in Germany, some of the few Spanish ecclesiastics might have taken upon themselves the task of restoring to its former vigour, purity and integrity, the religion of Christ.

Again : whoever takes the pains to compare the works of Luther and his adherents with those of some good Catholic Spaniards who nourished in the fourteenth century, will find a great similarity in the mode of treating and discussing matters of re- ligion, and the state and condition of the church at that time. A certain chaplain and historian of the Emperor Charles V.

See his mode of thinking on this subject : — " Leopoldo. Leave a moment, Democrates, the profane republics, and tell me which will be more to the point of the principles and progress of the church, and the state of decay to which she is now reduced — and we may well say she is in a state of decay : think you, after ecclesiastical riches shall have increased without measure, and the bishops, not only the Roman, but many others, shall have begun to be like kings, that the sanctity and re- ligion of the clergy will be equal to that of the time when St.

Peter and the other apostles were living upon the alms of the devout and pious? Paul, at the time he was preaching the gospel, ceased not to labour day and night with his own hands to gain his living? But if Sepulveda complained of the decay to which the church was then reduced, a most learned canon of Salamanca, not less, but, perhaps, more celebrated, ridiculed some ceremonies with which christians were wont to accompany their prayers addressed to the King of heaven and earth.

Fue impresso en la muy noble y muy leal ciudad de Sevilla : en casa de Juan Cromberjer, difunto que dios aya. Acabose a veynte y ocbo dias del mes de mayo de mil a quinientos y qua- renta y un alios. This wise man, an honour to his country, after censuring, in his work, the use of charms and other similar things, thus proceeds : — " A third sin in prayer consists in the use of vain ceremonies and thinking that without them the prayer will not avail in obtaining the blessings we ask of God.

I call those vain ceremonies which are neither approved nor used by good christians in the Catholic church. I say this because there are some who use them, among christians, as things which incite men to more devotion in the prayers they utter. Such, for example, as kneeling on the ground, raising the eyes to heaven, joining the hands, striking the breast, uncovering the head, and so on.

And yet Catholics do not make use of these cere- monies under a notion that they are so necessary that without them their prayers will be inefficacious ; for, the sick on their beds — travellers on horseback, — prisoners in chains, and many such other kinds of persons, pray, and that devoutly, without the use of any such ceremonies All sin of this description in prayer is, properly, superstition, and idolatry, and witchery; because it leads man to trust in vain ceremony, which can have no virtue whatever to effect his desires ; and it is an artifice which the devil has found to entangle bad christians in Libro muy util y necessario a todos los buenos christianos : El cual compuso y escribio el reverendo Maestro Ciruelo, canonigo Theologo en la Sancta Iglesia Cathedral de Salamanca, y agora de nuevo lo a revisto y corregido ; y aun le a afiadido algunas mejorias.

Alio de rail y quinientos y treinta y nueve anos. The Inquisition destroyed all the books which contained doctrines adverse to the opinions and convenience of its judges. Even some works which only threw a glimmering light upon, but did not censure, that pitiable oppression to which Spaniards were reduced, were thrown into the fire ; their titles were put into the indexes, with a view of rendering odious the reading of the few copies which might happen to be miraculously saved from the fury of the Holy Office.

Not all the authors, however, who shewed their hatred to this barbarous tribunal, and desired to see the Lutherans proceeded against with milder measures, fell under the jurisdiction of those men. There were various books of a remark- able kind, which were not cast into oblivion for the cause above stated. In some of those books of the sixteenth century may be discovered the manner in which religious tolerance was wont to be treated, as well as the true opinions of our ancestors upon so delicate a subject ; Id.

Acabose a veynte y quatro dias de hebrero. Thus it is that a deceptive tone and colouring is given to historical events. The opinions which men have entertained are, almost invariably, veiled in falsehood, either through the weakness of their un- derstanding, or for want of consulting proper and authentic sources for that information which is to be transmitted to future ages. Friar Alfonso de Virues, a Benedictine monk, and one of the most learned Spanish divines of the sixteenth century, accused, first in the Inquisition as a Lutheran heretic — absolved by that tribunal — protected by the Emperor Charles V.

Alfonsi Viruesii Theologi Canariensis episcopi, phi- lippics disputationes viginti adversus Lutherana dogmata, per Philippum Melanchthonem defensa. Vox usurpata Luthero : Verbum domini manet in oeternum. Isaiae xl. Vox ecclesiae propria : Et respondebo expro- bantibus mihi verbum: quia speravi in sermonibus tuis. Psalm cxviii. Antuerpiae : excudebat Joannes Crinitus. Cum gratia et privilegio Caesareo. The words of the Bishop of the Canaries are very striking, and afford another specimen of the mode adopted by our ancestors in discussing such matters.

I translate them faithfully from the ori- ginal Latin : " Some wish that heretics should be proceeded against with greater suavity, and that every means may be resorted to before carrying matters to the last extremity. And what should be the remedy? Instruct and convince them with words, with solid reasons, with decisions of councils, and with the testimony of the holy Scriptures and of the sacred interpreters.

All Scripture, inspired by God, is useful, for teaching, for argument, for correction, and for wisdom, according to the declaration of Paul to Timothy. And how can it be profitable to us if we do not use it on those occasions indicated by the apostle? I observe a practice in many to abuse, both in speaking and in writing, those Pro- testants whom they are not able to punish cruelly or to deprive of life.

If they happen to lay hold on some unfortunate offender, against whom they are at liberty to proceed, they subject him to an in- famous trial; and though he may be presently liberated on being found free from guilt, yet he never loses the stain fixed on his reputation.

The Divine word alone is more powerful, efficacious, and penetrating, than a two-edged sword. Quae omnia? Nempe ut verbis, solidis rationibus, conciliorum placitis, Scrip- turarum Sanctarum et sacrorum interpretum testimoniis, doceantur et convincantur. Omnis enim Scriptura divinitus inspirata, utilis est ad docendum, ad arguendum, ad corripiendum, ad erudiendum. Quomodo autem erit Scriptura utilis nobis, nisi ea in his quae recenset apostolus utamur? Video enim usu receptum esse apud plerosque, ut adversus illos agant Uteris et verbis, in quos non possunt sevire verberibus aut necibus grassari ; quia si quae- piam miserum homuncionem nacti fuerint, in quae liberum sit illis animadvertere, mox arreptum infarai judicio sistunt, in quo, ut celerrime absolvatur et ostendatur inmunis a culpa, criminis tamen notam nunquam non feret.

Si vero aut aliorum consuetudine seductus, aut circumventus astutia, fortassis et incuria lapsus deprehenditur statim, non solida doctrina, non blandae suasiones et monita paterna tametsi patres gaudent appellari sed carceres, flagra, secures aut faces expediuntur ; quibus et si corpus afficitur supplicio, animus tamen non potest immutari. Solus enim ad hoc est idoneus, sermo Dei vivus et efficax, penetrabilior omni gladio ancipiti.


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Men who are devoted to the true interests of hu- manity, who fear not to state and maintain true doctrines in opposition to those of an insane pride and of a selfish expediency, will be respected in all ages ; their names will be blessed — their memory will be exalted to the heavens. But notwithstanding the bold and noble spirit with which such words were written, the Inquisi- tion took no steps respecting them, and took no cognizance of the intrepid, zealous Friar Alfonzo de Virues.

Within the walls of that tribunal, the cries and complaints which proceeded from many an innocent breast were confounded with the groans of the dying, stifled by the smoke of the burning victim, or art- fully silenced amid the embers of the devouring element. Its fields may be pillaged, its forage and its fruits may be consumed or destroyed, yet still every plant is not uprooted, every branch is not severed by the knife of the enemy. Some still remain.

These feel the warmth of the sun ; they germinate ; they fructify, and present a lasting memorial of man's industry, and of that felicity which had once shed its influ- ences over the now desolated land. So it is with some of the scarce religious works of the sixteenth century. They prove that all men of that time were not of the same way of thinking on religious tolerance as the inquisitors, and their partisans, the kings and ministers who assisted them in ruling the vast dominions of the Spanish monarchy. It may be well to quote, in confirmation of this truth, a celebrated and learned Valencian of that time, who was much honoured by the emperor, Charles V.

I allude to Fadrique Furio Ceriol.

Visualización de macrófagos trampas extracelular mediante Microscopía Confocal

This eminent politician composed a work with the title of " Concejo y consejeros del Principe,'" printed about the year , at Antwerp, and dedicated to the Grand Catholic of Spain, Don Philip II Furio Ceriol was a most learned and sagacious politician. Ceriol could not help manifesting an opinion favourable to religious tolerance.

In his immortal treatise on the Council and Counsellors of Princes, he makes use of the following expressions : — " It is a very certain sign of a torpid genius to speak ill or with prejudice against one's adversary, or against the enemies of one's prince, or of those who belong to a different sect, or of foreigners, be they Moors, or Heathen, or Christians ; for true genius finds, in all countries, seven leagues of bad road: in all parts there are good and bad; the good he lauds and cordially receives ; the bad he denounces and rejects : but he does not, on this account, abuse the nation in which the bad are found.

Furio Ceriol, que es el libro primero del quinto Tratado de la Institucion del Principe. En Anvers. En casa de la Biuda de Martin Nucio. Alfonso de Ulloa translated it into Italian, and published it at Venice in Cristoval Varsvicio, a canon of Cracovia, put it into the same language, and printed it with his treatise De Legato et Legatione, at Dantzic in I doubt whether the inqui- sitors ever could have read the arguments used by Ceriol to teach princes how necessary it was, in order to the happy government of their states, that religious tolerance should be taken into account.

For example — " This is a certain rule, and without any exception, that every hypocrite and every covetous man is an enemy to the public weal ; so also are those who say that every thing is of the king, and that he may do according to his will, and in short, that the king can do no wrong. But why should it appear strange that there should be in the Spanish monarchy, men who dared to defend religious tolerance and reprobate the dun- geon and the flames, when some of the wisest men have boldly avowed, in their writings, opinions, opposed as they are to those of kings and inqui- sitors, touching the persecution of the Protestants?

Juan de Sepulveda, in his work already cited, treats upon the question whether it be lawful or not for a gentleman, and a Christian soldier, to make war against the enemies of the faith, and, after long disputes, we find the personages of the dialogue thus speaking : — " Democeates. I am glad, Leopoldo, that you have been more prudent than you are wont to be ; for now, this being your opinion, you are not far from the doctrine of Luther. Pray do not speak of Luther, nor of his faults ; if faults he has, do not throw them in our teeth ; for we folloiv not the authority of any man, but the dictates of reason, and the testimony of the Holy Scripture.

Hitherto the authors of works of this kind have done little else but repeat vulgarisms, unworthy men of right judgment and a wholesome erudition, whilst they suppress the truth, especially in reference to the free mode in which our progenitors were accustomed to handle religious subjects. If inquisitors, looking to their own interest and power — if Jesuits, covetous of domination over the human mind — if kings, guided by the perfidious counsels of wicked men, although with the semblance of piety, and as the miserable instruments of persons whose only aim was their own interest, brought down upon unhappy Spain, disasters, poverty, desolation, ignorance, and every species of misfortune and ruin, we cannot be surprised that learned and distinguished men, men of the clerical order too, and remarkable for their wisdom and holy lives, though separated from the Catholic faith, should fall a prey to the dungeon, the scaffold, and the flames, — that the fields of Europe should be changed into seas of blood, and its cities and mountains into flames.

Against such cruelties and against such deeds, far wide of even a prudent policy, were loudly raised the voices of many wise men, who at that time flourished in our country. In their sermons, and in their printed political works, they contrived to cloak with a deceptive exterior the wickedness of their intentions ; and used all their efforts to gain the approbation and favour of kings, in order to make fools of them, and change them into machines to be worked by the artifice of those who prospered by the perdition of Spaniards, as well in reference to arms and literature, as to commerce and agriculture.

The sixteenth century is not known, either by Spaniards themselves or by foreigners. Both one and the other have been deceived by false accounts, which have gone forth to the world, guided by the vilest flattery, or the most infamous and slavish fear. In that age the good Catholics raised their voice against the vices and disorders of the clergy, who, forgetting God and their own dignity, ran wild, like so many horses without bridles, over the fields of covetousness and lewdness.

It is certain that this liberty ceased through the vigilance and rigours of the Holy Office. And hence some would attempt to infer that the men of that age idolized the vices, because, in fact, those vices held their sway in the hearts of the clergy and friars, whose lives were not conformable to the orders of the church. But silence in that age of oppression ought not to be taken for proof that the crimes of the priesthood were unknown, but rather as evidence of the want of liberty to denounce them.

Before this liberty was repressed, there were not wanting authors to censure the perverse habits of the clergy of that age, in terms quite equal to the occasion. Spaniards then, as far as they were able, shewed, in a clear and unequivocal manner, their disgust and disinclination to obey such decrees. But the force which was employed to oppress the understandings of the people silenced the voices which were at that time raised in favour of the free reading of the Bible.

Still the prohibition did not altogether succeed, for we frequently find that the astuteness of the human mind can force the strongest locks, and open doors which appear to be most firmly secured. The Book of Job, the Psalms of David, the Proverbs of Solomon, as we have seen, and many lives of Christ drawn from the Evangelists, came forth from the press without any interruption on the part of the inquisitors ; for, as before stated, the lovers of these sacred books had recourse to the artifice of writing their translations in Castilian verse. In this way the judges of the Holy Office were cheated, for they believed that the peace of their Christianity had nothing to fear from such publications.

At the proper time, with a zeal highly dangerous to those who dared ojDenly to state their opinions, religious tolerance was by some defended, and that too with remarkable earnestness, considering the oppression of the times, against the barbarous chas- tisements and tortures inflicted by the Holy Office upon those unfortunate creatures who happened to espouse Lutheran doctrines. The Inquisition was enabled to keep under their flames, though not to quench that other flame which burned in every truly religious breast against the dissolute lives of their pastors, against the abso- lute prohibition of the Scriptures in the vulgar tongues, and against religious intolerance, which was then raised to its highest pitch by kings, and by judges of the Holy Office, as necessary in their view, to the perpetual conservation of the peace in the dominions of the sovereign.

But if such an opinion prevailed in theory, it was not practically sustained by the learned, whether divines or poli- ticians, who had the misfortune to be born in Spain in those times. State policy saw a danger in suffering Protestantism to go unpunished, but the learned doctors of the age were adverse to such a mode of procedure.

If the ferocity of the inqui- sitors painted Protestants as monsters guilty of every species of wickedness, the political Spaniards, in whose bosoms were found no barbarous passions, formed this different judgment: that such persons, being of virtuous and exemplary lives, although they might have separated themselves from the Catholic faith, they certainly did not deserve to be hated and vituperated. In Spain, however, in the sixteenth century, by means of force, intolerance and rigour, it was legal to oppress and to punish persons who disbelieved the Catholic faith.

It is well also that we should not be ignorant of the fact, nor forget it, that almost all the sages whose opinions are cited in the present work, were ecclesiastics of that age. This will give more authority, in the eyes of the world, to what I humbly call this faithful picture of the sixteenth century. In the course of my history will be seen a Rodrigo Valero, disseminating, with his eloquence, the Lutheran tenets in the populous city of Seville ; a Doctor Juan Gil, canon of its cathedral church, and one of the most popular preachers of his time ; a Constantino Ponce de la Euente, a sage who suc- ceeded Gil in his dignity, excellence, and doctrines ; a Doctor Arias, and many other learned and good men following the steps of Valero in the Protestant faith.

All the monks of St. Isiclro del Campo, con- verted into disciples of those who were demanding reformation in the church ; a Julian Hernandez, " the muleteer," with a view of augmenting the num- ber of that sect, ridiculing and frustrating the vigi- lance of the Inquisitors, by conveying secretly into Andalusia, bibles translated into Castilian, as well as catechisms, in which matters of the faith were dis- puted by a new mode ; a doctor, Augustine Cazalla, and a friar, Domingo de Rojas, promoters of the Protestant cause in Valladolid.

History of this kind should be treated with a liberty and a courage which the subject demands, and regardless of the want of harmony with former writers whose judgments may have been warped by popular errors, by superstition, or by other causes. Truth gets on but lamely in the world when facts are distorted. What dependence can be placed in a knowledge of history derived from men who wrote at random, without considering events or their attendant circumstances, much less searching out and examining their causes? There have been writers of this class who pre- tended to give us a knowledge of some opulent cities from a brief and superficial survey of their external ruins, prostrated by fire, by war, or by time, by which ruins they fancy they can trace the spots where once stood the streets, the squares, and the walls glori- ously defended, or still more gloriously conquered.

But when in the more careful pursuit of such inquiries, men are induced to explore the bowels of the earth, and discover beneath those heaps of ruins, it may be statues, lamps, arms, books, and medals, we may with some degree of reason form opinions and conjectures respecting manners, customs, and people at so great a distance from our own era.

Time consumes all things. Its velocity outstrips the wind. Its career is ever onwards. It obscures the light of truth in many instances, and hence the difference we often find in the judgment and opinions of men. But this deficiency of facts and events caused by the lapse of time, pride and igno- rance are always ready to supply. By the help of these two slaves of the mind, time can convert virtue into vice, bravery into cowardice, kings who seek the happiness of their kingdoms into tyrants, and tyrants who seek only their own profit and aggrandisement into kings of noble and generous deeds ; acts of cruelty into works of state-policy ; battles lost for want of prudence in the commander, into a lack of courage on the part of the soldiers ; and victories gained by bravery and military skill, into the mere freaks of fortune.

In such fashion have some historians painted our ancestors, that could they return to life we should be struck with astonishment as well as themselves, at such unfaithful portraits. But time with all its power to obliterate, does not invariably blot out the infamous reputation of the wicked, nor destroy the fair fame of those who have loved liberty and the happiness of their country, nor does it always throw a shade over those noble and heroic deeds which are designed by Providence to operate as a warning to tyrants.

The sixteenth century was most felicitous for letters ; in it they recovered their imperium in the minds of men, after having, for so long a time, been fugitives from the christian world. Already the decay of the sciences had commenced in Eome when the northern barbarians invaded Europe. Modern authors affirm that that city, in another age the mistress of the world, was inhabited only by the vices — that in it, the arts were not cultivated — that its love of glory had become converted into a taste for pleasure ; its contempt for riches into avarice, and that virtue was no longer found to occupy a place in the breast of man.

But although these assertions may be true, we must attribute the decay of literature to other causes. The christians being persecuted and menaced with cruel tortures and executions, still contrived, with unconquerable perseverance, to disseminate over the world the religion of Christ.


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They had a mortal dislike to the heathen as well as to their arts and sciences, and strove earnestly to bring discredit upon both, in order that the tenets of people who were maintaining another religion, and another mode of discussing and examining natural things, might in no way enter or be received in the minds of the unsuspecting and weak in the christian faith. How could it be endured that persons recently converted to the christian religion, persons whose faith was not sufficiently firm to dispel doubts from the mind, should be permitted to study the writings of Appianus Graniaticus, of Trogus Pompeius, of his Abbreviator, Justin, of Cornelius Tacitus, and many other such men, who attributed to natural causes, the deliver- ances of the Israelites, when, in the sacred books of Genesis and Exodus, it is declared that they were the marvellous works of the Divine Power?

Those heathen authors, ignorant of scriptural truth, falsely allege that a great leprosy fell upon Egypt, and that all infected with the pestilence were constrained to leave their beloved country, in order that the evil might not extend itself to the lament- able destruction of that entire people. They further narrate, that by the advice of their leader Moses, the Israelites, after robbing the tem- ples of their jewels, were pursued by the Egyptian forces, up to a certain altitude, in which a frightful tempest compelled the latter to return to Memphis, without having rescued the spoils which the leprous carried with them ; whereas the sacred books prove that Pharaoh and his arrogant host perished in the Eed Sea.

Again, these authors also taught that the resting of the Israelites on the Seventh- day, was to commemorate the end of their suffer- ings which they endured in the wilderness, and not, as affirmed in holy writ, God's resting from his labours in the creation of the world. These errors on the part of Greek and Latin historians and philosophers, which were contrary to the religion of Christ had this effect, viz.

The very parchments on which were copied the works of philosophers, historians, and poets, Greeks and Latins, were, after being imperfectly blotted out, made use of to receive the transfer of missals , breviaries, books of the choir, and other ecclesias- tical documents, and thus, once converted from pagan into religious books, were lost for ever ; ad- mirable testimonies of the wisdom of that class of the community in those times.

The invasion of the barbarians completed the banishment of the sciences in Europe : a work com- menced by the intolerance of the christians, who wished to blot out from the memory of man, not only the rites of paganism, but even the writings in which its doctrines were maintained or illustrated. By degrees Europe became enveloped in the dark- ness of ignorance : a darkness relieved only now and then by the erudition of some stray eccle- siastic, a lover of learning and of science. But even his writings were of little avail in a barbarous age. Their appearance was as brief as a passing meteor through the sky in the obscurity of night, and their fruits might be compared to those of weak plants on a barren soil.

Modern writers are wont to praise friars and monks who lived in the middle ages, for their literary la- bours, which they performed in the retirement of the cloisters, for the benefit of coming generations. Let us turn to those times. Scarcely any. Bad comments on the writings of the Greeks and Latins, interlarded with theological questions which can render no service in matters of medicine, natural history or mathematics, and which are preserved only as speci- mens of the sagacity of such men.

But by and by, in the middle of the fifteenth century, after the taking of Constantinople by the Turks, many literary Greeks flew to Italy for the preservation of their liberties, and kindled in the public mind a desire to be taught and instructed in the manuscripts of the ancient fathers of the Hellenic literature ; and soon afterwards, through the medium of the divine art of printing, an open field was pre- sented to ignorance : the study of the great authors of a learned antiquity, ceased to be the patrimony of ecclesiastics and was brought within the secular reach, in order that the sciences might revive and flourish again in the world.

Then it was that with the help of incessant reading of the Greek and Latin authors, great discoveries were made in medicine, in natural history, philosophy, and the mathematics. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, whilst letters were returning to their ancient splendour, maxims of independence and hatred to tyrants began to diffuse themselves anew in Europe. The lower people found themselves oppressed by a multitude of petty sovereigns. Political liberty was scarcely known in Europe from the time that the Eoman nobility, and not the tumults of the people, as affirmed by the blind defenders of the aristocracy destroyed the exemptions and pre-emi- nences which the people had purchased with their blood.

Tribunes the most eloquent and most dis- posed to defend the unhappy plebeian against the cunning of perfidious senators, if they were not to be conquered with gold and with menaces, were immediately falsely accused of all sorts of crimes, punished with the loss of their property, and expa- triated to the insalubrious shores of the Euxine, if not condemned to suffer an ignominious death. The nations lost their liberties and the desire to maintain them against the rigour of their enemies.

This is not to be wondered at. Slavery, contrary to what is affirmed by modern authors, was not totally abolished by the propagation of the holy doctrines of Him who expired on the Cross to save mankind. It cannot be denied that even the apos- tolic see forbids, under grave penalties, that among christians, christians shall be slaves ; but there can be no doubt that slavery has continued many cen- turies, and even still continues in some parts of the world under a different name. In the middle ages, the plebeian was nothing else but a slave. The feudal lords, on selling or buying their lands, bought or sold them with their inhabitants ; true serfs, who could neither go out of the domains of their masters, nor undertake any work without their permission.

Such slavery existed in Christian Europe in the middle ages, and in our own times, we have seen it in Hun- gary, Poland, and even Russia. If Greece and Rome in ancient times were obliged to have slaves to work the lands which free people had abandoned, in order to defend them by means of arms, or to enlarge the extent of their national boundaries : if the states were not able to defend themselves without the aid of such men, certainly in the middle ages, the nobility, who so little appre- ciated the rule of kings, maintained themselves, de- fying their competitors, with the forces they borrowed of their serfs.

Monarchs and plebeians laboured together to pro- tect each other against the tyranny of the nobility : the former by means of the laws, and the latter by means of arms. This alliance was the loss of the sceptre of Castile to the wise king, Don Alonso X. At last victory was with the monarchs and with common-people. The slavery imposed by the lords gradually disappeared in almost all the states which followed the religion of Jesus Christ. It is no part of my design to recount the life of the reformer Luther, nor the history of his followers, except those of them belonging to Spain, because that life and that history are both known to the world.

It only belongs to me to notice the progress of his doctrines in our own country, which was great and rapid, if we are to believe Gonzalo de Illescas, a Catholic author, who says in his Historia Pontifical. Germans, Flemings, or Englishmen. There is not a city, and if one may so speak, there is not a village, nor a hamlet, nor a noble house in Spain that has not had and still has one or more, that God of his infinite mercy, has enlightened with the light of his gospel.

It is a common proverb in Spain in the present day, when speaking of a learned man, to say, he is so learned that he is in danger of being a Lutheran. Our adversaries have done what they could to put out this light of the gospel, and thus they have visited with loss of property, of life, and of honour, very many in Spain.

And it is worthy of note, the more they threaten, scourge, ensambenitan, throw into the galleys, or perpetual imprisonment, or burn, the more they multiply. Que es, Los sacros libros del Viejo y Nuevo Testamento. Segunda Edicion. To such an extreme did Protestantism arrive in Spain. Pope Leo X. In these documents, he admonishes them to the effect that they should forbid the entry , into the Spanish monarchy, of the books of the German friar, and of those who maintained similar doctrines in disparagement of the Holy See.

The Cardinal Adrian, inquisitor general, in obedi- ence to the wishes of the Pope, ordered on the 7th of April, , the books of Luther, to be seized wherever they might be found. Doubtless the copies testos hebreos y griegos y con diversas traslaciones. Por Cypriano de Valera. La palabra de Dios permanece para siempre.

Esayas 40, 8. En Amsterdam. En casa de Lorenzo Jacobi M. Very many ancient writers are of the opinion of Gonzalo de Illescas, and of Cypriano de Valera. In Spain it began to take root, the venom of heresy , some who had com- municated with those infected kingdoms, bringing the pestilence with them.

And if it had not been for the most vigilant care of the Fathers the Inquisitors. Juan de Yaldes, descended from an illustrious family, a native as it is believed of Cuenca, and son of Don Fernando de Yaldes, the corregidor and military commander of that ancient city, was one of the most famous Protestants which Spain ever produced. As a jurisconsult, notable in his age and highly valued by the Emperor Charles V. This event launched the cycle of repression and terrorism that tore Barcelona apart that year and the next, culminating in an assassination attempt at the Virgin of Mercy Day celebration of First, in February, someone in Barcelona set off a bomb at the Royal Plaza just off the Rambla presumably in retaliation for the executions , killing one and injuring three.

In March, a bomb exploded in the Boqueria Market. Later that month and again in May, bombs went off at the electric company near the Plaza of Catalunya. In May, too, another bomb failed to detonate on Jaume Giralt Street. July saw the dynamiting of the home of the director of the Association of Wool Manufacturers. Strike waves and bombings ended with the imposition of martial law throughout Barcelona in July The police then ransacked the working-class neighborhoods. An anarchist paper reported: "The police have detained some of us in our homes, others in the street, and others in working-class centers for no other reason than our ideas about justice and emancipation or because we belong to legally constituted workers' associations.

In the spring of , authorities seized Teresa Claramunt, leader of the textile workers' union, and her companion, Jaume Prats. Because the province was under martial law, they were placed before a war tribunal and charged as rebels; they were later released. It appears that the government opposed any and all glimmerings of communal solidarity among Barcelona's citizens.

Officials were no more happy with regionalists than they were with the far more threatening. A career officer, he had led the coup that overthrew the First Republic in In spearheading the attack on leftists in Barcelona, he was equally obsessed with overcoming regionalism: federalism, in his view, was the political equivalent of anarchism.

He thus responded angrily to the crowd's cheers for autonomy, claiming that he would have remained at home and sent his troops instead had he known that such seditious activities would be taking place. Given this political setting, the Virgin of Mercy Day celebration scheduled for September 24, , must have aroused public fear. An inappropriate military display had been added to the festivities that year, surely to intimidate people outraged by widespread political repression.

Although many adults were angry about the addition of a military review to the usual parade, the little boy was enchanted: "The soldiers. At first smoke obscured the damage. The bomb had also injured Generals Molins and Bustos. As Gaziel remembered the scene following the bombing:. Two deep and vague explosions resonated as the troops drew to order. They came like a strange vibration of the air, but nothing at first alarming. All at once, with nothing more occurring, we began rocking and everything went crazy—surprisingly and furiously crazy. A terrible sound broke out, punctuated by small hysterics, with the sound of troops rattling and a sound of horns such as might sound the end of the world.

Cervantes : Bulletin of the Cervantes Society of America. Volume XXI, Number 1, Spring 2001

Some of the soldiers remained immobile and stupefied. Others broke formation as if they were ready to run. Others, here and there, as if ripped by panic, pointed their rifles at the people. With that, the. I closed my eyes and when I opened them, we three remained alone, in the middle of a fleeing multitude.

The street was covered with hats and batons as people fled. Observers later wrote that the Civil Guard panicked, shot into the crowd, and wounded numerous women and children who were trying to escape. At his house, the police found anarchist literature and photographs of the alleged Haymarket bombers of Chicago, the anarchist leaders who were railroaded to their deaths because of another police riot in A printer by trade, he had had to find other jobs after long periods of unemployment.

At the time of his arrest, he worked at home with his wife and three young children, doing garment piecework on two sewing machines. On the morning of the attack he had left the house at , saying to his wife that he would not return until that night. On September 28, four days later, he was tried before a military court. The next week, in the courtyard of the Castle of Montjuich, on the heights above the city, the executioner garroted him. Avengers would certainly respond. The subsequent detonation of a bomb in the Church of Saint Just and Pastor, one of Barcelona's oldest chapels, located a few hundred feet from City Hall and the provincial government building in the Plaza of Saint James, led to further arrests.

The roundups led to increasingly violent rhetoric in anarchist newspapers. Cooler heads could not always prevail, especially since the police and army had rounded up most of those anarchists and socialists with any experience in leading strikes and other organized activities. More violence was bound to occur because of the repression, and it did. Since every ritual is a symbolic performance, opponents sometimes attack a whole system of ideas when they attack a ritual.

Like Venice and Constantinople, Barcelona claimed to have acquired a fragment of the true cross in the late Middle Ages. From the fifteenth century on, the city thus had a pretext for a late spring procession in which people from all classes marched. When the procession was bombed on June 7, , with five killed, the attack was widely treated as if it had sullied everyone in the city.

No one knows who was responsible for the bombing. The police took three months to fabricate a case, meanwhile arresting and torturing numerous people who had been engaged in union struggles throughout the nineties. But whoever did it, the city was outraged. Beautiful, stately, lewd, and raucous, Corpus Christi Day took in a wide range of the elements that Catalans so enjoyed in their public life. The gegants' hair and beards were modified annually and changed completely every five years for the day.

Dressed in the latest fashion, the female gegants set the standard for women's spring styles, keeping Barcelona's dressmakers working at a ferocious pace the week before Corpus—and further taxing the vision of poor seamstresses figure 2. The easy acceptance of the grotesques among the participants in the pageant reveals the many layers on which Corpus Christi Day worked as a civic rite.

Ideally, the celebration provided a place for adherents of traditional religion as well as for celebrants unattached to a religious community. The authorities, who recognized that the carnivalesque side of the festivities offered opportunities for sedition, had canceled observance of Corpus Christi Day during the unstable period from the revolution of through the years of the First Republic, — Corpus Christi Day processions left from different churches. City and national officials stationed in Barcelona joined the parade that since the fourteenth century had wended its way from the cathedral to Saint Mary of the Sea.

The priests, the bishop, his retinue, and representatives of the historic guilds of the city—the dyers, bleachers, shoemakers, tailors, and ironworkers—marched up front. Following them, but still ahead of the little children celebrating their first communion and the rest of the common people, marched the military, who did not appear in the parades from the other churches.

From the exit in front of the cathedral where the procession began, the marchers, led by the gegants , passed through the Plaza of the Angel to Boria, Wool Plaza, and the square in front of the Chapel of Marcus; it then proceeded down Montcada Street to Born Plaza, Street of the Glassmakers, and through Old and New Transit streets which disappeared with the urban renewal of to to the old mercantile aristocracy's church of Saint Mary of the Sea see map 2.

At on the evening of June 7, , just as the host was entering the church and the end of the procession had reached the alley known as New Transit Camvis Nous , bombs exploded. Two bombs, thought to be meant for the captain general or the leading church officials in Barcelona who had entered the church ahead of the host , killed five people on contact, including two children, a boy and a girl. The explosion also fatally wounded a music student, who died at home. Another forty people at the rear of the procession were severely hurt.

The common funeral—organized by the city—provided a foretaste of other cleansing rituals that communities would perform in Barcelona for the next forty years. If civic rituals cemented the bonds of unity, attacks on defenseless people enjoying urban theater were perceived as a sacrilege of communal life, a violation of the rules of public behavior. Thus, the funeral rite had to attempt to restore what had been destroyed.

A procession led by the municipal guard, the Almansa army regiment band, and the clergy of Holy Cross Hospital proceeded from the hospital, which had served as the mortuary for those killed. The two white funeral coaches of the murdered boy and girl, covered in white flowers donated by the women flower vendors of the Rambla, followed the military band. Next came four black coaches, the final transport for the working-class housewife, journalist, shopkeeper, and music student killed in the blast. After them marched the bishop, captain general, civil governor, acting mayor, chief judge, president of the provincial government, and the entire city council.

The cortege, followed by two hundred thousand mourners, went down Carmen Street to the Rambla, passed the flower market, and moved down to Columbus Pass. All stores were closed, their lights lit to proclaim sympathy with the mourners. Except for the bands, and despite the crowd, silence hovered over the route. In an eerie touch, at P. Soldiers and police arrested over four hundred dissidents, including people who lived in common-law marriages and women who refused to baptize their children.

It took the whole summer and widespread use of torture before the police came up with suspects and a purported plot. According to the official story, five anarchists who frequented the Bisbal Bar in the Parallel had planned the bombing and won support from workers and lecturers at the Jupi Street teamsters' night school and community center. No motive was ever alleged. Despite a popular campaign both in Spain and abroad protesting against the institution of a new Spanish Inquisition, five men were executed in the courtyard of Montjuich Castle in November , and hundreds of others remained in Spanish prisons for more than a year.

For the predominantly illiterate population of Barcelona at the turn of the century, street life was a way of knowing and a way of being. Civic rituals helped to socialize peasant immigrants by teaching them how to participate in an urban community. But which community, and in pursuit of what goals? There is no question that street spectacles presented a pleasant alternative to the grim life that working-class people led in factories, shops, and dank apartments. Most people probably attended most parades: the sense of shared relaxation that this form of civic culture provided could, after all, result equally from spectacles organized by anarchists and socialists in their May Day demonstrations, from holidays initiated by republicans, or from civic and religious rites sponsored by Catalan nationalists or the church.

Viewing and participating in public celebrations were a staple of life in the red city. Terrorist attempts to assassinate the governor general of Catalunya during the celebration of Virgin of Mercy Day in and the bombing of the Corpus Christi procession in represented rituals of desecration; poor people were injured and died as a result, and leftists were persecuted. This one, however, was organized by the state to intimidate unionized laborers, whether terrorists or not. Rituals embodied a sense of community and solidarity for the left, the right, and the entire town.

Some rituals provoked counterrituals; hence, rituals could express or give rise to struggle as well as solidarity. Some ceremonies celebrated the status quo, and others argued for an alternative culture. But of course, rituals, like culture, are constantly changing. Before radio and television, street rituals provided common people with visual statements about what was going on in their communities and where political lines were drawn. In the streets, the "common people" and the elite defined themselves in opposition to one another.

Red City, Blue Period

Those familiar with this kind of politics would understand that the rituals themselves were part of the struggle. Marching down certain streets, reaching certain plazas to hold demonstrations, represented an assertion of community and solidarity that words alone could not convey. Leaving a feminist conference in Barcelona in October , I stepped right into a parade going down the Rambla. The crosses of Corpus Christi had become missiles, and the traditional eagles and bulls had become warships. There were signs that proclaimed opposition to NATO.

And one demanded, "Make Art, Not War! Such a slogan was particularly appropriate in Barcelona, a city that for a hundred years has prided itself on its artistic traditions. Despite the many artists and artistic movements that Catalunya has produced since the Middle Ages including its claim to have nurtured Picasso , the regional cult of art and pride in indigenous traditions really dates to the turn of the century, when so many other forms of local awareness also emerged. Just as one who arrives in the middle of a performance may or may not understand the play, the young Picasso, who came to Barcelona in , may or may not have understood that he was witnessing a community in the making.

There, where artists mixed with. Popular local pastimes such as puppet shows became aesthetic rites. Not just a bastion of lost arts, the Four Cats functioned as a clearing house where budding artists like Picasso learned about the artistic trends of the time in a community free of snobbism about artistic hierarchies. Breaking with Western traditions in which the aristocracy, the high clergy, and the wealthy determined value in arts and decoration, Barcelona's new artistic movement was based on the union of bohemians and artisans and on their recognition both of the merits of past artistic styles and of crafts and entertainments popular among common people but never before considered art.

The official art of late-nineteenth-century Spain was dominated by academic and romantic historical painting. Its bastion was the Llotja Art School, where Picasso's father was a professor. Forced to matriculate, Picasso stayed only a few months before he succeeded in escaping in late For more than a decade before his quick retreat, other local artists, with an inkling that something exciting was going on abroad, had been traveling to London and Paris. They returned bearing news about art nouveau, impressionism, postimpressionism, and symbolist art.

In appropriating new styles, they also developed sympathy for non-Western arts. But long before Picasso became familiar with Iberian sculpture and African masks in the early twentieth century, he and other artists throughout Europe were fascinated by the primitive within—earlier art forms and folk art from the countryside around them. A distinction among "high," "popular," and "folk" arts had not yet come into being in turn-of-the-century Barcelona, for the latter two were not considered "art" at all.

Popular entertainments such as shadow and hand puppets were certainly never regarded as art until Miquel Utrillo and Pere Romeu, fresh from Paris, reexamined puppet shows in a new light. Folk arts, including wooden carvings for churches or votive paintings produced by artisan painters to commemorate escapes from disaster, came to be considered art only after critics like Russinyol proclaimed their ability to meet his definition of the word, which was that they transform consciousness.

For Santiago Russinyol, Miquel Utrillo,. Using art to try to direct life in Barcelona toward more spiritual goals, Russinyol attempted to establish it as the secular equivalent of religion, with artists as the high priests. To him, being an artist meant practicing "the religion of art and truth, crystallizing aspirations in work, dominating the base and profane world, and demonstrating an ideal by finding divinity in human beings.

Had Russinyol been a character in one of his own plays he could not have been any more colorful. Born in into a wealthy family of textile manufacturers, he was orphaned in youth and raised by his grandparents. Whereas his brother, Albert Russinyol, took over the family business, exploited his workers, initiated a major labor struggle in , and helped to found the Catalan nationalist Regionalist League, Santiago was an entirely different type. Two prosperous young men, Russinyol and Casas were always eager for artistic adventures of all kinds. They had traveled through Catalunya by wagon in the s, and it was probably during these trips that Russinyol first became seriously acquainted with popular village entertainments and indigenous artists.

Now the artistic revolution going on in Paris drew them irresistibly. Constantly expanding his own artistic skills, Russinyol began writing monologues in , and by he was turning out full plays. Even more than painting, the theater may have provided Russinyol with the sense of community that he seemed to crave. In every endeavor, he was a showman. Russinyol inherited a large part of his wealth in the nineties, and he commissioned the Catalan nationalist architect Josep Puig i Cadafalch to build him a villa at Sitges, about twenty miles south of Barcelona.

In the eighties, Russinyol had begun buying up Catalan antiques, among them wrought-iron Visigothic crowns, keys, candlesticks, and iron work from church grilles, appreciating their rough, earthy, raw quality. Unlike Castilian blacksmiths, who worked iron in the same intricate patterns as silversmiths and goldsmiths, Catalan artisans liked and respected the material's own particular character.

Russinyol did too, and he built the Sitges house to serve as a reliquary for these craftspeople's work. In , , and , Russinyol periodically drew the cream of Barcelona's artistic community to what he called "modernist" festivals in Sitges. The first Modernist Festival, in , included a folk opera commissioned by Russinyol for the occasion, to demonstrate that peasant life was a suitable subject for art.

The next year saw the performance of a Catalan translation of Maurice Maeterlinck's first play, L'intruse. Then, on November 9, , Russinyol adapted ritual practices from Barcelona's holiday celebrations to what one journalist called a "spectacle of civic religion" honoring art. Along the route of the planned procession, people decorated their balconies and windows. The artists then joined the quasi-religious procession, made up of Russinyol, the city officials, and the two mounted escorts. Catalan interest in El Greco dated to Santiago Russinyol's purchase of two works by the painter from a junk shop in Paris, discovered by his friend the artist Ignacio Zuloaga.

Underrated and neglected for over three hundred years, El Greco's style was as new to Russinyol and his friends in Barcelona as that of Paul Gauguin and other avant-garde artists they had learned to appreciate in Paris. In fact, the local people in Sitges seem to have thought for a long time that El Greco was a contemporary artist whom Russinyol was trying to help. After the El Grecos were paraded through the street on that November 9, the writers and artists invited from Barcelona lunched under tents on the beach.

Following the meal, they retired to the main hall, where Russinyol himself launched a series of lectures and poetry readings. Outlining his religion of aesthetics, he railed against modern life, which, he said, offers "everything for the miserable flesh and nothing for the noble spirit. Sitges was too far from the city to serve as the main cathedral of the new religion of art.

One was a Catalan saying, "No one's here but us four cats"—meaning a gang. Although shadow puppetry now seems exotic, it was a popular entertainment in late-nineteenth-century Paris and Barcelona. More than any other popular art, it represented a blend of sound and illusion, much in the vein of movies and music videos today. Shadow puppet theater resembled cinema in other ways as well. Sometimes lewd, puppetry was not considered cultivated—though, like film, it could be arty.

Unlike stage plays, shadow puppet acts were seen on a white screen in a darkened room, thus promoting the dreamlike state that morphine users like Russinyol sought, a sense of totality. Then, too, the experience of drifting into a fantasy world structured by images projected onto a screen was shared with a larger public—another parallel with the movies. From the early nineteenth century on, shadow puppetry had been popular in Barcelona. The "actors" were heavy cardboard figures mounted on wooden bases.

Wire strings attached to movable heads and joints enabled the jumping-jack characters to engage in swordplay, coy manipulations of fans or handkerchiefs, or broad head movements. More refined action was inhibited by the fact that the audience was seeing everything in silhouette.

The plays varied. At first, little comedies focused on dramatic moments like lion hunts and falling bridges, but the audiences tired of such scenes, and so, gradually, narratives emerged. Pere Romeu and Miquel Utrillo brought to life Russinyol's dream of using aesthetic experiences to create a sense of artistic community.

Pere Romeu—puppeteer, auto mechanic, roller-skating rink operator, gym owner, cabaret proprietor, and sportsman—was just the kind of artistic entrepreneur Russinyol was looking for to guide the project. Lincolnesque in both height and homeliness, he was also short-tempered and brusque.

Romeu seems to have come alive in Paris when he was in his early twenties. He took Toulouse-Lautrec's friend and subject, the cabaret manager Aristide Bruant, as a model for the role he hoped to play in promoting artistic entertainment, bringing together avant-garde crafts-people and artists and providing an atmosphere where art could flourish amid popular entertainments.

Utrillo, one of the few avant-garde Catalan artists actually born in Barcelona, was a lifelong folklorist.


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  4. More of a student and scholar than Romeu, Utrillo had been trained as an engineer, and he went to Paris to work at the Institut National Agronomique. But his heart was in cabarets. It was through a job as correspondent for the Barcelona newspaper Vanguardia , however, that Utrillo managed to support himself in Paris between and He had an affair during this time with artist Suzanne Valandon and may have fathered her son, the painter Maurice Utrillo, to whom he gave his name.

    Utrillo's technological skills and his artistic interests drew him to shadow puppetry, with which he must have been familiar from his childhood. In , he enticed the composer Erik Satie into providing. He knew "how to bring together art and science as brothers, to obtain rare contrasts of color with changing effects of light," Russinyol reported. Romeu, for his part, traveled to New York and San Francisco, making contacts with puppeteers along the way.

    He returned to Barcelona and participated in the Modernist Festival that Russinyol organized in Sitges in They came largely from artisanal families ranging from noodle and button makers, who lived above their shops, to jewelers and iron-mongers. There was the tailor Benet Soler Vidal, nicknamed "Scraps," who traded suits and pants to young dandies like Picasso in exchange for individual and family portraits.

    Utrillo, Romeu, and Russinyol promoted the integration of avant-garde Parisian art with popular art at the Four Cats and to that end launched a shadow puppet theater there in December Two more programs were presented before April , when the shadow plays were discontinued. Far more popular than shadow puppets were realistic hand puppets, a popular entertainment of peasants and working-class people throughout Catalunya.

    With different, more ribald and bawdy roots in the folk culture of the countryside than shadow puppets, hand puppets appealed to a much larger, less sophisticated audience. In fact, puppet theaters permeated the working-class district near Citadel Park, especially along Princess Street at the edge of the Gothic Quarter. There were many theaters near the Rambla of Catalunya, near the Plaza of Catalunya, on Sadurni Street, and on Robador Street, in the old political and cultural centers of Barcelona. The Four Cats played an important role in reintroducing artists to the popular art of hand puppetry.

    The bocks of beer circulated to the high-pitched sound of the puppets. Naturally, puppets at the Four Cats spoke in Catalan, and I could hardly understand what was going on in the play. The story was of local interest, and it must have been swell considering how hard the audience was laughing. The set designs were truly beautiful. It is clear that whoever designed the miniature theater did so with love and care. The puppet theater was like a civic rite in a small space and became a metaphor for the community that the founders of the Four Cats hoped.

    Dissolving the distinction between reality and illusion, Casas and Utrillo depicted Romeu as a puppet actor on the ceramic decorations they designed for their modernista -style puppet stage in These show a modern woman striding through a field of iris, being greeted by familiar characters from Catalan hand puppet shows. Among the spirited denizens of this world are the Devil, a member of the Civil Guard, and Pere Romeu himself, decked out in the anima , or inner glove, that serves as the puppet's body under its outer layers of costumes.

    As Casas's poster for the puppet theater indicates, the puppets became the emblem of the Four Cats plate 1. In the ad, Casas showed himself to be a master of the Japanese-style, flattened patterns characteristic of prints then being produced in France. Another source for the flattening may have been the folk paintings that hung on church altars all over Barcelona. The poster casts Pere Romeu in his role as puppeteer. Against a gray background like those that Whistler was making famous in Paris, he is portrayed with his hair worn long in bohemian fashion, falling from beneath his broad-brimmed hat.

    As puppet master, Romeu has turned into a dark puppet with fixed hands. With his regular features, short hair, and red blouse, the painted puppet is representative of the sort of realistic hand puppet used in late-nineteenth-century Barcelona. Above the figures at the top of the poster are the words Puchinell-lis , which strictly speaking means marionettes, though these were hand puppets. The avant-garde artists of Barcelona associated with the Four Cats viewed the puppeteers as pure showmen who were rooted in folk culture.

    And they were right. At country fairs, it was common for the traveling puppeteer simply to throw a cape over his head, lift his arms, and perform his puppet show wherever the crowds gathered figure 3. In the city of Barcelona, puppet shows had by the s become a popular family entertainment enjoyed by the city's new immigrants and people of all classes.

    They were beloved theatrical events that, for the price of a cup of coffee, anyone could enjoy. Puppet shows, like street pageants, were communal rituals that reaffirmed shared traditions. Audiences in turn-of-the-century Barcelona knew the plots and characters of most of the puppet plays and probably derived pleasure and reassurance from their predictability, much as they did from the constancy of civic and religious rituals. The ubiquitous protagonists, Tofol and Titella, both had long histories in European theater dating back to the sixteenth-century commedia dell'arte.

    Like so many of Barcelona's immigrants, Tofol was a peasant, a classic bumpkin, natural and naive rather than stupid. He was also the classic sly peasant, always sensitive to matters concerning his own world. Tofol bore up under all his misfortunes and usually outsmarted his enemies, as often through his witlessness as through guile. Tofol "[suffered] all injuries, even those meant for others. If the Devil [tried] to land a blow on Titella, you [could] be sure that Tofol [would] arrive just in time to receive it. He [could be identified] by his short black beard and the vacant expression on his face.

    Titella, the other male lead in Catalan puppet shows, was not as feisty or violent as his counterparts Guignol in Lyon or Kaspar in Germany. Tough on the outside, Titella was basically a good soul and, despite mishaps, frequently came out on top. It is culturally significant that, like many of the new immigrants, he spoke Catalan mixed with Castilianisms.

    As in myths and children's stories, the plots of the puppet plays were both repetitive and infinitely various. Two recurrent female characters were featured. One was Marieta, a Judy figure, who was always tired owing to her difficult life. Her condition did not warrant viewers' sympathy, however, since part of her trouble came from deceiving her husband or some other. This character sometimes assumed the aspect of the menacing, witchlike Celestina, the traditional Spanish figure of the uncontrollable postmenopausal woman.

    In that puppet plays helped to cement the artistic community, it comes as no surprise that Russinyol actively promoted puppet shows and other traditional arts. In his play The Prodigious Puppet , a comic melodrama about Tofol's marriage to a countess who betrayed him, human actors assumed the stereotyped roles of puppets. But since Tofol always triumphs despite his troubles, it was certain from the beginning—as in any melodrama—that the story would have a happy ending of the kind poor people could not necessarily expect in their own lives.

    Puppeteers served as archetypes for liberated artists living outside society and free from its constraints. Retaining the aura of traveling players who were at liberty to say and do as they pleased, they seemed to be magicians who could manipulate reality. Their tricks were legion.

    In "The Police Search," a play taken from the theater, a leading character was a knife grinder, who actually used his trundle and so made the familiar noise associated with the knife grinders found on Barcelona's streets. Catalan puppets also got out of bed and put on shoes, or rode horses that they dismounted on stage. One of the puppets in the Theater Museum in Barcelona is a picador from the bullfight, complete with mount.

    Although Pi earned his living as a mes-. In keeping with his place as a theatrical personality, "he wore wide and puffy pants, pointy shoes, and a musketeer's beard"—the bohemian actor's costume. Juli Pi learned the craft of puppetry when as a youth he started attending the puppet shows on Carmen Street presented by Joaquim Saez. Busquets and Pi then went further. Instead of using the primitive puppets that consisted of wooden heads and cloth bodies, they commissioned new puppets with wooden heads, shoulders, and midriffs carved from a single piece of wood.

    Cardboard arms passed through holes in the wood, ending in wooden hands. The puppeteer's three middle fingers would be slipped inside the torso and head, while the thumb and pinky moved the arms. Attached to the torso was an inner glove known as the anima that enabled the puppeteer to create the illusion of a moving body under the outer garment. The puppets were given glass eyes and real hair for their mustaches, beards, and hairdos. At least subliminally, the hand puppets of Barcelona resembled religious statues, for they were made by the same artisans.

    Covarrubias observes that he who is much used to the eating of berenjenas, besides other mischiefs, its bad quality shows itself in the face by giving it a livid and dark green colour. In this latter a meaning is assigned to the words of Cervantes from his use of them; the former gives us the sense as it was in his time. It requires no nicety to distinguish which of the two is right. Numerous examples under this head I have selected, and where the same were to be found in many books of this kind, many have been rejected. That Cervantes was himself the original Quijote as to the article of reading, that there was a time, perhaps a long period, when with the undistinguishing multitude of his countrymen he perused these with great pleasure and satisfaction, and impregnated his memory with their respective subjects and singularities, seems unquestionable from the use he made of them.

    Apprized of this, on perusing the four books I found it to be a fact: he is only mentioned, Libro 2, Cap. The genuine text of authors of super-eminent abilities has ever, with good reason, attracted the attention of the curious. If the Giunta edition of the Decamerone of Boccaccio has been ever so generally esteemed as to have been more than once with great niceness counterfeited, if its acknowledged reputation raised the surprise of Paolo Rolli that the other editors had not reprinted to a tittle this edition, and that they had preferred the frivolous vanity of their own orthography, or their caprice in the form of the book, to the just liking of the lovers of this work, his edition ought therefore to be so much more gratefully received, as being a re-impression of the true and most approved text, page by page and line by line, with the same orthography and punctuation It may be hoped, therefore, that an edition of Don Quijote , executed with equal fidelity in this particular, with others of much apparent utility, which will in due time be specified, may prove equally acceptable.

    To this end, the first editions must be selected for that purpose. The only one of modern times that merits any kind of notice is the pompous London edition, a work that reflects great honour on its noble patron Upon a careful collation of its text with the first, it may be pronounced to be in the general pretty exact. The errors, however, of the original are carefully retained, and such they are, if we had an opportunity to consult the manuscript of the author, and should find them in his own writing. It must be observed that in his editorial capacity he acted in some degree with the punctuality of a Hearne , but not with his openness, who, when he inserted anything notoriously wrong, took care to apprize his reader of it.

    As to the rest, it is to be observed that there is nothing more than a transposition of the letters As I have minutely and critically collated the first editions of the first and second parts of the years , and , as well as that of , and have noted down their errata, and deviations the one from the other, though I before advanced that the errors of the original are retained, yet have I no reason to suppose the former were always made use of in the publication of the latter: if they were, I have only to add, it was to no good purpose, as will more clearly appear if the notes and collations should see the light.

    There are several others of the like kind with the above-named, which it is needless at present to point out. Thus much for Pineda in his office as reviser. Of himself he added various other errors, and with the true spirit of a critic by profession, perverted and obscured what was easy, clear, and perspicuous, amended and corrected much for the worse. But he has taken greater liberty, and foisted in his own readings without any authority.

    If an editor takes these unwarrantable liberties of altering the text to his own whim, how shall the reader know whether the text before him be genuine or not? How far his arrangement and disposition of the whole was judicious, how far it is to be admitted that he has put the work into good order, will appear from a survey of what he has done, and an inspection into the first editions. If he had made a proper use of them, he never would have given that title that he has done, viz.

    The life and actions of the witty gentleman D. The time of action in which the hero is employed is not quite so obvious, but it is certain it did not exceed ten years. This is to be inferred from the age of the ama , or housekeeper, who at first being named is said to be turned of forty, and who, to enforce her arguments to dissuade her master from turning shepherd at the beginning of his last illness, mentions her being turned of fifty.

    The Vida then cannot with any propriety be retained, as the history does not contain more than the sixth part of it. Compuesto por Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. This was divided by the author into four parts, but the chapters, in number fifty-two, are in one sequence. So are those of the second, but the division of that into parts or books, is not to be found there. Whatever proceeds from the pen of a Cervantes is not to be thrown by as useless, or without good cause to be rejected, which has been the case with the Dedications of both parts.

    The licences, approbations, and censures should be also retained, as they contain many curious particulars respecting the history of the work itself not elsewhere to be had. Teresa is substituted without any authority. Blundering about words and actions is not a more essential part of Sancho's character than his happy memory, of which the history affords several facetious instances. Some excuse this for his calling his wife Teresa, as he does everywhere in the second part. A notable transaction of this kind offers in the next chapter, with his master's letter to Dulcinea, which affords much pleasure to the curate and the barber.

    Uniformity of character is the truest test of genius, and poetical merit. Sancho's in particular. So II, Accordingly, though he receives them in writing, II, 44, he drops them, and they come to the hands of the Duke and Duchess. Enough has been said under this head in some degree to excuse the author. But forgetting himself in another place II, 28 , he makes Thomas Carrasco the father of the Batchelor.

    I will not take on me to assert that these errors were originally designed, but certainly they are altogether characteristic in the mouth of the person who utters them. In the fourth chapter of the second part he has supplied some defects in the former, turned commentator on himself, and pointed out the use he made of his reading by his alluding to the fact of the noted thief Brunello's stealing Sacripante's horse at the siege of Albracca, which was first of all largely related by Boiardo, and afterwards introduced with additions by his happy continuator Ariosto; and these will be inserted in their proper places among my annotations.

    These two illustrious bards, of whom Italy may justly boast, seem to have been our author's favourites, particularly the latter.

    Cervantes : Bulletin of the Cervantes Society of America. Volume XXI, Number 1, Spring 2001

    The famed helmet of Mambrino, the property of Rinaldo, and the great object of our knight's esteem, makes a figure in both. A careful perusal of these, which has given me much pleasure I wish I could say the same with truth of many others! Such are those mentioned I, 25, of the mad knight's pranks, all of which are specified from the original, and in the same chapter the Hipogrifo of Astolfo, and the renowned Frontino. Dardinello was his master, as appears from Ariosto, in the eighteenth chapter, where he first makes his appearance, stanza Nor do I find him any where connected with Agramante.

    Such trifles as these are at once to be pardoned and passed over, were it only to comply with the good-natured dictates of Horace. Many variations in the text necessarily present themselves. The most striking are those in the First Part for these are unquestionably but two, Cervantes, in the title of the Second, styling himself autor de su primera parte where, at the end of the eighth and beginning of the ninth, and so on, in Pineda's division of the whole into books, the word libro is substituted for parte.

    I do not believe he was the first who made this change. The numbering of the chapters in both is one, no notice being taken of the division. In the second, as there was none primarily, so is there no foundation for any distinction of it into books. As it is my ultimate wish to have the text pure and genuine, I would spare no pains to effect this. For which purpose the first, printed in Madrid , in quarto, by Juan de la Cuesta, seems to permit the preference. This I have very carefully collated, as I have also that of the second part by the same printer.

    But there is also another edition of the first part the same year and place, and there were two more, one in Lisbon, in 4to, and in Valencia, in 8vo, the first year of its appearance. These three last have never yet come to my inspection, nor that of Madrid three years after, in , in 4to. These, and any subsequent edition in the life of the author, I should be glad to peruse. What age ever produced two such! Take them for all in all, we never shall see their like again.

    The style of Cervantes merits every encomium. It may be compared to the noblest river, that now rapid runs with proper velocity, now gently glides along, and suffers its crystal current to be tinged with hues, which it receives from the lesser streams that mingle with its waters. To drop the allusion, the language of Don Quijote , tho' the purest and most elegant of the Castilian, has its variations and inequalities, conformable to the persons in whose mouths it is put and to the subjects treated of.

    It has this in common with ours in Hudibras, that many vulgarisms are here and there scattered throughout the whole, which are seldom used by writers, but frequently in conversation. But there is no end to his proverbial diction. The explanation of the text is the principal aim of the annotations, and they will serve not only to enumerate many places in history, whether of the real or ideal kind. Many customs peculiar to the Spanish nation, mentioned by our author, will appear from the evidence of other writers, and whatever tends to facilitate the acquisition of an acquaintance with the Spanish phraseology and idioms must be of great utility.

    Betwixt this and the Italian a correspondence will be pointed out, both languages having some phrases in common with each other. But to take leave of the text for the present, in the revisal of it several matters are to be considered, and what other editors have done may be worth attending to. And here the state of the language when the author wrote must be duly weighted and given, not agreeable to modern refinements, but exactly as it may be supposed to have originally fell from the pen.

    If the author was in fault, let him be blamed. If alterations are once admitted without unanswerable objections to them, there will be no end of alterations. In a word, I hope I shall be excused if I make use of a long quotation from him, as it expresses my own sentiments and intentions. To apply this to our purpose, it will hardly be denied that most languages undergo some changes in their orthography or spelling in the course of a century or two in their approach to a state of maturity.

    This was the case of Cervantes, who found his native tongue in that state which preceded its meridian, to which it seems he was destined to bring it. As he retained many antiquated words, he did the same with its orthography also. In the old Spanish, the h is frequently redundant. I will instance but one more example on this dry subject, which is C. The word monesterio , which is notoriously wrong when compared with its origin, but which is so written in the old writers, and by the critical Covarrubias. Custom in most languages sometimes gets the better, and can hardly be set aside without affectation.

    These which are here produced may serve to confirm an observation of the learned Monsieur de S. Palaye, that such instances should teach the most knowing editors that they always hazard much in changing the text of authors without necessity, and without precaution. They ought at least to present them such as they have read them, with the most scrupulous fidelity; they may afterwards more hardily propose their own conjectures When this rule was finally settled, 'tis not quite certain; in our author's time, it was not.

    Whether this came from the author or composer of the press, custom must be some plea of excuse for the same in Cervantes. It must frequently happen that a writer must use one word in a very different sense; an explanation then of the same may be totally useless in one, and altogether pertinent in another.

    It has frequently happened in my searches, that one quotation has pertinently explained two distant passages. Thanks to my first labour of the indexes, this has been effected at my leisure in a few minutes. Without them much time might have been expended to no purpose, as the search might have proved unsuccessful, though there were a full and clear conviction that such a correspondence did exist somewhere, but which there was no possibility of turning to.

    La balada de Buster Scruggs - Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre

    In confirmation of what is here observed, take the following annotation on una villana de Sayago to which Dulcinea was changed II, It will be proper to say something of the indexes and the annexed specimens. Thus the author II, 8 tells his readers that the adventures of the hero in his third sally, begin in the way to Toboso, as the former did in the plains of Montiel.

    Allusions to past facts occur in almost every chapter, nay sometimes in several places in one and the same, particularly the promise of the island, which was a part of the original plan, in the seventh chapter of the first part. But the references which everywhere abound, and which for the purpose of profitable reading can hardly be obtained but by the aid of the indexes, must be a necessary part of the editorial labours; but this is not to be effected by these only, but by frequent reading.

    This more immediately respects lesser matters; the names of men and places may be very easily turned to, and discovered without any labourious search. A proper selection from the Indexes de palabras in such a manner as to discover the concording passages, the remarkable facts, and the principal transactions throughout the whole of the work, cannot fail to be of use in assisting the diligent, the careful and attentive reader.

    The same is done with respect to every other person, place, river, or other notable particular, nor amidst these are Rocinante's feats left unrecorded, nor his intimacy with Sancho's Rucio. The man who is at the pains of making indexes, says the Bishop of Bristol in the preface to his Milton, is really to be pitied; but of their great utility there is no need to say anything.

    I can from experience bear testimony to the former part of what is here advanced. He must be steeled with seven-fold patience, and endued with a still larger portion of perseverance, who finishes what he begins in a work of this kind, and without that happy period, he is wasting time and labour to no purpose. Duly impressed with this truth, that the sole worth of the whole depended on the finishing what I had began, I used art and stratagem to impel myself on the completion of that, which, had it been proposed to me against my inclinations, I should have resisted with my utmost efforts.

    But my love and veneration for this author, whose every new reading still brings new pleasure, and discovers latent beauties that have eluded my former surveys, induced me to undertake that for him, which the editors of the Dauphin Classics did in their several departments under the auspices and patronage of the Duke of Montausier.

    If my patience in this undertaking was many times fatigued by an uncommon exercise of it, another still more painful, namely that of reading, has at times quite overpowered it. Nothing could have urged me on to the perusal of such writers, but the view of tracing out the knight in his pursuits, and success has in many instances attended my endeavours. I should never have engaged in the reading of these books but with a view to the present purpose, as it is with me most certain that, if a greater genius than Cervantes had arisen and exerted his talents in defence of them by a greater fund of irony, they would inevitably have sunk into the darkest oblivion, and been left to perish with the detestable Avellaneda and the poor poet Antonio de lo Frasso.

    What but the rarity of the Fortuna de amor could induce Pineda to reprint tan disparatado libro , and to induce him to think Cervantes in earnest in his high-strained commendations? He seems rather to have made him the butt of his ridicule, and to have treated him as a second Querno In his Viaje del Parnaso , a poem of very singular merit, to appease the turbulent waves betwixt Scylla and Charybdis, he is for throwing him overboard, but he is saved by the interposition of Mercury.