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In any case, in the Europe of many cultures, it is likely that linguistic diversity will be increasingly propagated and German will continue to play a role, not only as a national and ethnic language but also as a language of inter-cultural communication. In the 'redrawing of the map' of Central and Eastern Europe, Germany has given renewed attention to the international status of German. Since and as a result of the Second World War, German has declined in the face of the rise of English as the main international language. Since the political changes of , it has redeveloped its position as a link language between East and West, an asymmetrically dominant language, and a regional lingua franca in some parts of Central Europe.

Its position is between that of English and French in Europe.


It has certainly not been able to resist the appeal of English, used across continents as a lingua franca and especially among the young. As an academic language, German has given way to English in the natural sciences and, to a much lesser degree, in the humanities and social sciences. Within the organizations of the European Union, the position of German is overshadowed by both French and English.

While there is competition between German and English in the Central European education systems, both are favoured languages. German is likely to continue to play an important role in the multilingual future of Europe. Ammon is a comprehensive study of this field but will be superseded by the results of his more recent project. Coulmas deals with the economic aspects of this question. Born and Stickel contains conference papers covering many aspects of the topic.

German, like English, French, Swahili, Spanish, Arabic, Bengali, Chinese and other languages, is an instance of what Kloss terms a 'pluricentric' language, i. Hans Moser 20 describes pluricentric languages as ones which, while uniform across regions in all substantial structural features, cannot be viewed from the perspective of a single centre.

This chapter starts by examining the properties of pluricentric languages and then describes the form and function of Standard German in each of the German-language nations and those in which German has some kind of official or quasi-official status. At the end of the chapter, convergence between national varieties of German is discussed. None of the national varieties of Standard German has developed into a separate language. Kloss Ch. Some languages are guaranteed recognition as such, merely because of their distance from other languages e.

Frisian as distinct from Dutch and English. Some, on the other hand, could, historically speaking or in terms of linguistic distance, be regarded as varieties of the same language but are independent because they are assigned the same functions as all other standard languages, usually to stress political distinctiveness e.

Sometimes such languages are written in different script. Following the dissolution of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, Croatian and Serbian have diverged increasingly, but Moldavian, which had been declared a separate language after the annexation of Moldavia by the. Soviet Union in , has been redeveloping into a variety of Romanian. National varieties of the standard language should not be confused with regional or local dialects in use or status, even though they may share linguistic features with them, e.

The standard language may be defined as supraregional within the nation concerned , institutionalized, subsuming all other subsystems, originally used by the more educated sections of society, and transmitted through the education system Loffler, Pestalozzi and Stern , Lewandowski As Muhr a: 6 points out, such definitions have their limitations because of their monocentric nature.

The relationship between national varieties is usually a dynamic and interactive one because they are affecting one another and being affected by common influences. The actual differences between national varieties in terms of phonology, vocabulary and grammar may not be very great. Wardhaugh projects the difference as one of'flavor' rather than 'substance'. It is this difference that becomes a marker of national identity. At national borders, regional variation is insignificant but different national varieties are employed on either side. For instance, Scheuringer demonstrates this in a study of the language use of Braunau Bavaria and Simbach Austria , which are on the Austro-German border.

Seidelmann found some divergence of the dialects of the twin town of Laufenburg on the German-Swiss border, influenced by the national variety of the standard language, with the national border creating a new dialect boundary. The national varieties of pluricentric languages do not necessarily enjoy equal status either internationally or in the individual countries, i. Traditionally, the national varieties of the more dominant nations, for example British actually English , and American English, have been afforded a higher status than, say, Australian, Canadian or New Zealand English, let alone the indigenized English varieties of Singapore or India.

The status of national varieties is determined by the relative population size of the nations, their economic and political power, historical factors e. Elsewhere Clyne a: , on the basis of studies of a range of pluricentric languages, I have differentiated between the position of D ominant and O ther varieties:. They tend to consider national varieties of O nations as deviant, nonstandard and exotic, cute, charming and somewhat archaic.

This is related to the fact that the more distinctive forms of national varieties are dialectally and sociolectally marked. It is also the result of conservative and unrealistic norms. A model of codification devised by Ammon distinguishes between national varieties that form their own norms fendonormativity' and those that import their norms from other nations 'exonormativity'. Ammon's model also differentiates between national varieties which have their own codex defining dictionaries, spelling and pronunciation guides, grammars and those that simply have models e.

This makes it possible to develop a scale from 'full centres', through 'nearly full centres', and 'semi-centres' to 'rudimentary centres' of a language. For instance, the. US and England are 'full centres' of English, while Australia, with a dictionary and pronunciation guides but no codified grammatical norms is a 'nearly full centre'. Canada and New Zealand 'semi-centres' have not developed codices to the same extent but have models for their national norms. The nation-state of the nineteenth century mould was constructed on the basis of language being the common factor, so clearly language was, and remains, the basic identity marker.

Hobsbawm What we are dealing with in pluricentric languages is a cultural differentiation between 'unequal partners' cf. Riekhoff and Neuhold being marked by a limited number of linguistic indices, which help define the community cf. Anderson The existence of autonomous German, Austrian and Swiss national varieties of Standard German is now widely accepted due to the longstanding independent Austrian and Swiss nations and because of specific linguistic features of the varieties.

The relative status of the varieties, including the relation between national varieties and regional ones dialects has not been resolved. The question of an autonomous East German national variety in the recent past - perhaps continuing into the present - will be discussed in Chapter 3. The issue of German pluricentricity has been the subject of much discussion for over a decade e. As in other languages Clyne a , there has been increased tolerance towards other national varieties. The relation between the German and the other national varieties of German is determined by the factors mentioned under 2.

There have been a number of aspects of the issue where the attitudes of the past have not been fully overcome. This is due to the fact that the states which unified under Prussia in chose the name Deutschland although there were some German-language areas outside the new nation-state. In the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the word 'German' or 'German-Austrian' was used to distinguish German speakers from the other ethnolinguistic groups.

This is compounded by a widespread acceptance, by Germans, of the superiority of their variety. The emphasis is on the exotic in comparison with West German norms. This may also testify to the 'linguistic cringe' existing in the latter countries. This will be discussed in the sections on these national varieties. In Austrian and Swiss, as well as in German publications e. The term is used even in the Swiss dictionary of German, Bigler et al. Ammon argues in favour of a comprehensive dictionary of the German language in which items in all the national varieties are listed and marked accordingly.

This means that Austrian and Swiss authors need to submit their manuscripts to editors and publishers whose norms may be determined by German Standard German see 2. The norm-setting Duden grammar and the Duden and other influential dictionaries e. Wahrig and pronouncing dictionaries e.

Siebs, Duden are published in Germany. While they do indicate Austrian and Swiss variants, these are given alongside South German regional ones, with the North German Standard as unmarked. The German-based Goethe Institute generally provides the model for foreign students and foreign teachers of German. Before , it had an East German competitor in the Herder Institute.

Thus, 'German German' has predominated in status and as a model for foreigners learning the language. The Austrian Government has, in recent years, attempted to redress this situation by establishing about Austrian Lektorate native speaker lectureships at foreign universities, including forty in Hungary Rudolf Muhr, personal communication , as well as Austrian bilingual schools and cultural institutes in Central and Eastern Europe and by running in-service training for foreign teachers of German and providing them with materials Kowar In many cases, they stepped into the vacuum created by the withdrawal of the GDR from the Eastern and.

Central European German-language export market. An Osterreichisches Sprachdiplom has been established as an alternative to the Deutsches Sprachdiplom. There are university courses for teachers of German as a second language focusing on Austrian German in Graz and Klagenfurt, although a German expert on second language acquisition was appointed to the first chair of German as a Second Language at an Austrian university, in Vienna.

Nagy advocates the inclusion of pluricentricity in German language programmes in non-German-language countries. Muhr c gives suggestions for its implementation, and Kozmova draws on existing Czech materials to illustrate this. However, the incomplete decoding of Austrian German 2. The low status sometimes afforded the Austrian and Swiss national varieties by Germans is not only an expression of cultural imperialism or historical considerations but also a confusion of linguistic and sociolinguistic factors.

For instance, Jdnner January, GSG Januar and Feber February, GSG Februar are standard in Austria but not completely standard in South Germany, as is the case also with sein to be used as an auxiliary for verbs such as liegen to ]ie ,sitzen to sit , and stehen to stand. These are the forms to be found in the newspaper, TV and radio news and in formal speeches in Austria but not in South Germany.

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Contemporary criticism of the 'pluricentric' model partly arises from historical considerations - that, while there is national variation in spoken rather than written German, linguistic differences may be ephemeral and are not very significant, and some of the Austrian and Swiss distinctive features are also represented in South Germany Besch The national standard varieties of these countries are, in fact, often devalued and assigned according to the historical classification of the base dialects to 'South German regional dialects' oberdeutsche Mundarten or Bavarian and Alemannic dialects respectively e.

German are widely regarded, in Germany especially the old Federal Republic , as regional norms rather than national ones on a par with that of Germany cf. Hugo Moser , von Polenz Weigel in O du mein Osterreich The authoritative Mannheim Duden-Rechtschreibung spelling dictionary lists not only words that are specifically Austrian or Swiss, but also ones that are regionally distributed within Germany. As from , the DudenRechtschreibung spelling dictionary and, since , even the Siebs Deutsche Aussprache, traditionally the prescriptive handbook of German pronunciation, have made allowances for Austrian and Swiss Standard German.

The Duden-Ausspracheworterbuch dictionary of pronunciation has refrained from listing such pronunciations as specific entries. Bister and Willemyns contrast the interest in the O varieties as manifested, for instance, in the existence of the Austrian and Swiss commissions advisory committees of the Duden, with the way in which pluricentricity as such is often ignored in German dictionaries and lexicographical treatises. Beersmans makes the point that the German language is more tolerant of variation than is, say, Dutch.

It will be shown 2. It will be demonstrated 3. The term 'archaic' is therefore relative and biased. What is old-fashioned, outdated or decadent for some, may be seen by others as normal and representative of continuity. As the GDR's policy was to emphasize the 'cultural independence and separateness' of the two German states, many scholars in the GDR tended to accept that there were four nationalsprachliche Varianten of the German language those of the GDR, the Federal Republic, Austria and Switzerland e. Lerchner and various books in the Sprache und Gesellschaft series. But GDR linguists rarely turned their attention to any but the first two, although the Leipzig edition of the Duden recorded more Austrian Standard items than did the West German dictionary Fenske The convergence of the varieties from different German-speaking countries when speakers communicate will be discussed under 2.

Emphasis is placed in this chapter on lexical, phonological and grammatical variation. The pragmatic and discourse dimensions are treated separately in Chapter 5 and the Anglo-American influence on the national varieties in Chapter 8. GSG is the product of migration movements, political, economic and religious power conflicts, and the attraction of cultural and intellectual centres over many centuries.

The development of GSG and its status are closely related to the notion and essence of German nationhood. As is the case with all languages, standardization has been a relatively recent process. While English and French were standardized on the basis of the dialect of the most powerful centres, London and Paris respectively, Standard German had its origins as a compromise variety Blackall As is the case with Italian, German retained great dialectal diversity because of the late unification of a political entity.

We shall return to these questions later in the section. The main division of dialects in German-language countries is based on the High German Sound Shift, which began between the sixth and eighth centuries AD in the south of the German-language region, and gradually moved northward. Dialects in the far South which were wholly, or almost wholly affected by the sound shift are termed oberdeutsch Upper German , those in the Centre partially affected are designated as mitteldeutsch Central German , and those in the North unaffected are termed niederdeutsch Low German.

See Map 2. Keller , Barbour and Stevenson Until the seventeenth century, Low German had a separate existence as an important literary and commercial language; as the language of the. Hanseatic League, it was even used as a lingua franca throughout Northern Europe. There is now no standard Low German language. Of all the German-language countries it is Germany and especially the area of the former Federal Republic that encompasses the widest dialectal diversity. Austrian dialects are Bavarian Upper German in origin, except for the Alemannic varieties in Vorarlberg.

Moreover, because of the political and cultural fragmentation of the German-speaking regions of Europe, and the specific forms of territorial absolutism replacing the Holy Roman Empire, there was no centre comparable with London and Paris that could lend or impose its variety as the standard language. So each region had its own language at least until the early sixteenth century see Bach , Hugo Moser a, R. Keller There were two periods of strong nationalist as well as functional motivation for a uniform standard.

The first was the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, and the contributing factors were: the use of German instead of Latin for legal records c. Although there was a 'compromise language' in the South das gemeyne Deutsch up to the sixteenth century, the basis for the merging standard language was written East Central German, itself originally a compromise. At the time of the Holy Roman Empire, Germany was not a political entity and could be defined only culturally and linguistically1. Linguistic nationalism was directed towards promoting the vernacular as opposed to Latin.

I do not know where to find the country. Where the scholarly begins, the political ends. It was the French revolution that sparked off the movement towards a German nation-state. The originally East Central German written standard gradually permeated both the northern Low German-speaking regions and the Catholic states, and during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries slowly penetrated into Austria and Switzerland. However, it was in the nineteenth century that the phonological norms were set for what may be termed 'German Standard German'.

By this time Prussia had gained a sphere of influence embracing all German-speaking areas of Europe except Switzerland and those that were part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, first through a customs union the Zollverein and then, in , through political unification. The model for this unity was kleindeutsch i. The linguistic as well as the political leadership was provided by the North. A myth continuing to the present day is that the 'best' German is spoken in Hanover.

Because the North including Berlin was originally Low German-speaking, and once used High German as a second language, the High German Standard German spoken there tended to accentuate a close relationship between phonemes and graphemes, giving the semblance of'greater correctness', and it was not on a continuum with the local dialects as in, say, Swabia, Bavaria or Austria. With minor modifications, the North German pronunciation became the norm for Standard German pronunciation Buhnendeutsch, stage German in Austria and Switzerland, as well as throughout Germany, in an agreement concluded between the three countries in Short vowels for long ones, as in Qlas, Zug.

This is a problem of syllable boundary: [9] is used in syllable-final position; [g] at the start of a syllable. Ammon designates as 'Teutonismen those rarely marked features peculiar to German German, both lexical e. Today, in spite of a high degree of regionalism in South Germany see Ch. This, however, does not apply to Austrian or Swiss Radio, see 2. Similarly, in the written language, the Suddeutsche Zeitung published in Munich follows similar norms to the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, partly because much of the information comes from agencies centred in the northern and central parts of Germany cf.

Austrian newspapers, whose language is Austrian Standard. The dominance of the German norms has been aided by the fact that most of the large German-language publishing houses were and are situated in Germany. At the level of lexicon and grammar, alternatives to the North German norm may be accepted regionally, but not as Standard German. So the news and political sections of the Suddeutsche and the news on the Bayerischer Rundfunk do not usually employ words such as heuer dieses Jahr, this year , fanner ifanuar, January , Gehweg Burgersteig, footpath or constructions such as liegen to lie , stehen to stand and sitzen to sit with the auxiliary sein cf.

German Standard and North German haben. Also, the tendency towards graphemic integration adaptation to German spelling of lexical transfers 'loanwords' from other languages is greater in Germany than in other German-language countries. But generally, the one aspect of the German language for which a consensus was reached by the German-language countries at the end of the nineteenth century was spelling.

In addition to the kleindeutsch model, the grofideutsch notion incorporating all German-language regions including Austria, Switzerland and Luxembourg under the political and cultural domination of Germany seems to have strongly influenced the German attitude towards national varieties of German in other countries.

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At the political level, the grofdeutsch principle has been completely discredited through its barbarous climax under Hitler. In attitudes to language, however, the dominance of Germany is still present see above, 2. However, the uneasy relation between norm and usage makes this whole discussion difficult. As we have indicated in 2. Standard German.

It is perhaps the national variety that has undergone the greatest changes in recent times, especially in the lexicon.

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The linguistic effects of the division of German will be the subject of Chapter 3. Variation between the Austrian and German national varieties of Standard German is the result of separate cultural and sociopolitical development, particularly since the establishment of an Austrian-based state in the late eighteenth century and the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in Following the unification of Germany under Prussia, which excluded Austria, in , North and Central German were codified as standard in Germany.

The multilingual, multicultural Austro-Hungarian Empire was 'the very antithesis of a national state' R. Keller , being neither grofideutsch embracing all German-language areas nor kleindeutsch being only German-language-using but embracing only some German-language areas. In , only The collapse of this empire at the end of the First World War resulted in tension between pan-German and pro-independence elements.

The Austrian cringe is noted as early as by the writer Arthur Schnitzler cited in Johnston , who notes 'echt osterreichisch' being used as a term of disapproval and 'echt deutsch' as designating noble, strong and beautiful. The period as part of Nazi Germany and the ten years when Austria was divided between allied occupation powers was followed by a direction clearly independent from Germany in which the German connection was officially minimized. However, the change of the name of the school subject from 'German' to Unterrichtssprache language of instruction , sometimes cited as an example, was actually the response to the Soviet occupation's demands for mothertongue-medium education for minorities Rudolf Muhr, personal communication.

Von Polenz correctly notes that there has been confusion between the political and cultural concepts of 'nation' Staatsnation, Kulturnation , exacerbated by the pan-German movement of the nineteenth century and by Nazism. National consciousness was heightened during Kreisky's term of office as Bundeskanzler The proportion of the population accepting the notion of an Austrian nation as opposed to state is greater than ever.

Comparisons of public polls taken four times between and SWS Bildstatistiken show that the proportion of the population believing that there is a separate Austrian nation has increased from half to nearly three-quarters of the sample during this period. Nevertheless, the dilemma of Austrian nationhood vs membership of a German nation is still under discussion in some circles Bruckmuller ,K. Erdmann The economic and political strength of, and dependence on, the 'big brother' Germany stands in contrast with a continuing cultural cringe in Austria Muhr ,b, Pollak , Ratholb, Schmid and HeiB As the author Georg Schmid 32 argues, Austrian German has become foreign through the acceptance of an evaluation from outside.

A manifestation of this is the pendulum swing between the planning of an autonomous national variety and an acceptance of German norms. According to Wodak-Leodolter and Dressier 30 ,'Standard High German', as described in Siebs and the Dudens, is 'not used in everyday speech at all and rarely in schools' in Vienna. The German used by the highest ranking strata of Austrian society, whether in government, the public service, or the academic professions, is distinctively Austrian Muhr a.

The notion of'stage German' has become somewhat antiquated in Germany. It was the original motivation of the Siebs standard but has little significance in Germany today. The radio news pronunciation, though still distinctively Austrian, bears some resemblance to that of German-speaking Switzerland, where this needs to be seen in relation to diglossia see 2. In Austria, other programmes, such as the morning programme, talkback, talks and children's programmes, are in a more everyday sociolect of Austrian German.

As there is no complete description of Austrian Standard German, its status is often confused through prejudice. Muhr , a demonstrates the effects of what he calls the 'schizophrenia of the Austrian. He shows that there is a tendency for Austrians to use but denigrate their own national variety Standard-nach-innen and to regard as the norm a variety that is neither normally used nor acceptable within Austria Standard-nach-aufien. This is related to class and geographical factors see above and cf. Hans Moser and comes to the fore in the debate over the Austrian dictionary see 2.

The result is frequent code-switching in the public domain Muhr This creates problems in the codification process. In a survey of language attitudes in Vienna, Moosmiiller and Dressier found positive attitudes to Austrian Standard German, which was described as soft and melodious, though some of the informants reacted negatively to unrealistically normative pronunciations.

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A more extensive study of the attitudes of people from four states of Austria Moosmiiller revealed both positive and negative attitudes to the notion of 'Austrian German'. Evidence in favour of a 'linguistic cringe' see 2. German technology, tourism, imports and synchronized television for the entire Germanlanguage market as well as youth subculture have prompted the spread of GSG variants and uncertainty as to Austrian norms. On the other hand, it is with Austrian Standard that the middle and upper middle classes identify Wodak-Leodolter and Dressier At all levels of language there are marked distinctions between local or regional Austrian dialects and Austrian Standard in both the capital city and the provinces.

This was already observed by the Austrian writer Hugo von Hofmannsthal in Wert und Ehre der deutschen Sprache in He felt an absence of an intermediate variety for social contact between different segments of the population. Due to its belated overall industrialization, Austria still has a more pronounced class structure than Germany, and social class and educational background are indicated through the variety of Austrian German dialect or Standard used.

As the lower sociolects of Austrian German are the ones most distant from GSG, the distinctiveness of Austrian German represents a conflict between national and social loyalty Hans Moser Vienna is the political and cultural centre and 3. Graz, Linz, Salzburg, Innsbruck, see e. Moosmuller , though there is some tension between the eastern and western varieties, and Standard German in Austria certainly varies regionally, as in Germany see Wolf Viennese influence is weakest in Vorarlberg, which, linguistically and culturally, has much in common with neighbouring areas of Switzerland, and has been making bids for increased political autonomy.

Because of longstanding cultural links dating back to the AustroHungarian Empire, ASG is enjoying considerable currency in the neighbouring Central European countries, such as Hungary, Slovenia and Slovakia. This is partly due to cognate vocabulary. The motivation to use ASG words is decreased because North Germans often do not understand them or consider them non-standard. Austrian variants are mentioned in the German pronunciation handbooks, Siebs and Duden-Ausspracheworterbuch, in the Duden-Grammatik, and in the German dictionaries such as Wahrig, DudenUniversalworterbuch, and Klappenbach and Steinitz.

There is an Osterreischisches Beiblatt of Siebs which Pollak demonstrates to be inadequate in his argument for a codification of ASG pronunciation. Now that the Duden-Ausspracheworterbuch has accepted a broader set of pronunciation options, some characteristically Austrian norms especially those rules also applied in parts of Germany have been included, something that was not the case prior to It is the official listing of the lexicon of.

Standard German in Austria, with some treatment of grammar, published under the auspices of the Ministry of Education and the Arts. In contrast to earlier editions which attempted to provide an inventory of standard 'common German language', the 35th edition exercised a solidarizing and separatist function Dressier and Wodak a , accentuating the distinctiveness of Austrian Standard German in a climate of increased national consciousness and progressive social reform. At least one third of the items in this edition had not appeared in previous editions.

Some were neologisms but most were characteristically Austrian words, among them dialect expressions employed in Austrian literature written in Standard German. They were marked 'tnda mundartlich, dialectal ot'ldscW landschaftlich, regional. Samstag, also GSG except in the North. The dictionary also reflected the flexibility in gender usage in ASG see below, 2. Duden Vol. The 36th edition of the OWB retreated from some of these reforms, largely in response to criticisms of the controversial previous edition from some linguists and lay people.

This may also be symptomatic of a general return to conservatism and regionalism in Austria. It was claimed variously that standards had been lowered by the acceptance of non-standard forms and a disregard for stylistic levels, that the international unity of the German language was being damaged Wiesinger a , that there was a 'reactionary' overstating of the Austrian element Reiffenstein , and that the dictionary was Vienna-centric and oblivious to usage in the western part ofAustria Wiesinger a, b, b, Dressier and Wodak a.

Some of these points were also made in letters to the editor of newspapers, see Clyne Many of the evaluations also contained praise for some aspects of the initiatives of the dictionary which gave ASG its due place. Any suggestions received are taken into account by the dictionary editors Fussy Thus, for instance, Aprikose, Quark cottage 5 The earlier term for such items would have been 'reichsdeutsch' Imperial German , which was no longer appropriate.

See e. Wiesinger b, Wolf The stylistic level received more attention, with some Austrian items now being designated 'Ugs' umgangssprachlich, colloquial. However, Pollak levels criticism at the tendency in the 36th Edition to relegate items to dialect or colloquial too quickly.

The problem is where to establish the threshold of Standard German Pollak Some multiple gender assignments e. In the case of Meter, reinstated in The addition of 'w wienerisch , together with the adoption of Vorarlberg items marked V was intended to appease the western Austrians. Grammatical rules now followed the more conservative pattern statt and wegen with the dative, and the Austrian contraction of aujdem to am being described as 'ugs' without detracting from the essentials of ASG grammar, such as the use of sein as the only auxiliary for liegen, sitzen and stehen, which Duden lists as regional South German.

The 37th edition takes a position between the 35th and the 36th, being more prescriptive than the former and less so than the latter. There is again a declaration of national distinctiveness in its self-description: Ein Worterbuch der deutschen Standardsprache in ihrer osterreichischen Auspragung A dictionary of the German standard language in its Austrian expression It is again an inciter of language reform, but in a more subtle way than the 35th edition.

The distinction between national and regional differences is clarified. Regional variants are not only indicated but marked very precisely e. East Styrian, East Tyrolean. In a sample of entries, Rogerson found that 78 changes had been made in the entries between the 36th and 37th editions, largely due to markings, such as ugs or idsch.

Only The 37th edition represents a more balanced, theoretically well founded but progressive, account of the Austrian German norms.

Its direction is now probably irreversible. The 38th edition, to appear during , will be greatly expanded with a total of 60, items. In all three cases, the diphthongal character is slight and the second element lower than in GSG Wodak-Leodolter and Dressier The distinction between voiced and voiceless consonants is subject to assimilation rules, e. Initial [st] corresponds to GSG [Jt] in loanwords, e. Stil, Strategie. Initial [k] corresponds to GSG [c] in loanwords, e. Chemie, China. Evangelium, November, Vizeprdsident. Share Give access Share full text access.

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