The question that arises is when will the government invest in infrastructure and human capital? The naira fell within a few weeks from a previous level of between and 12 naira to the U. Less money to share The effect of the recession due to the falling price of oil is also being felt by the Nigerian states because less money for sharing has been flowing into the federation account. The impact varies from state to state, of course, because of the differences in their financial responsibilities.
In education, for example, some states have more primary, secondary and tertiary schools to maintain. Ogun state, with a population of 3. Kwara state, with a population of 2. The reliable revenues from crude oil rendered governments in Nigeria complacent. They had not been pursuing the collection of taxes and the generation of other forms of revenue. The meltdown, however, appears to have roused many of them. Osun state, in southwest Nigeria, is trying to diversify its economy. The State Commissioner for Finance and Economic Development, Adetoyese Ojo, reported that the government had begun a program of agricultural development.
Emphasis will be put on cocoa production and seven agro-allied companies are to be set up before the end of this year, although the history of state-owned firms in Nigeria has not been illustrious. Ojo also revealed that the salaries of political office holders had been cut by 10 per cent, which will free up some funds for more productive uses. In Kwara state in northcentral Nigeria , th e government has been concentrating its efforts on the generation of internal revenue. The State Commissioner for Finance and Economic Planning, Alhaji Abdulfatah Ahmed, said all leakages in the tax collection machinery were being blocked, which, if realized, will be a major accomplishment.
There have been no government bailouts to enterprises, nor any indication that such measures are even being contemplated. In fact, any form of bailout to Nigerian business would be ineffective. What works for the economic problems of the Western world cannot work in Nigeria — the causes are not the same. When the West was flourishing in prosperity, Nigeria was in poor shape. The central government says that it is taking steps in these directions, but the populace has yet to feel any effect of what the government says it is doing.
So far the saving grace has been the availability of the excess crude account from which money is regularly withdrawn to make up for shortfalls in budgetary provisions. Nigerians are used to what is generally known as the firebrigade approach. As yet, there has been no coherent, coordinated attempt to solve the problem. Tiene efectivamente una estructura federal, con 36 estados y un Territorio de la Capital Federal. Las carreteras son malas.
La electricidad no llega a todos los hogares. La otra mitad es compartida por los estados y los gobiernos locales, y asignada a fondos especiales. No pueden ni siquiera pagar los salarios de los trabajadores por un solo mes sin las asignaciones de la bolsa central. Las respuestas del gobierno federal para arreglar los problemas de manejo de los ingresos centrales han sido ad hoc. La propuesta fue altamente elogiada por el publico nigeriano. Desde principios del , se ha producido lo contrario.
Los ingresos confiables del crudo hicieron que los gobiernos de Nigeria se volvieran complacientes. Sin embargo, el colapso parece haber despertado a muchos de ellos. El Sr. En el estado de Kwara, en el centro norte de Nigeria, el gobierno ha concentrado sus esfuerzos en generar ingresos internos. Cuando occidente estaba en pleno auge y prosperidad, Nigeria estaba en mal estado. Hasta ahora no ha habido un intento coherente o coordinado por resolver este problema. Le merveilleux prend corps.
La foto icónica del desabastecimiento en Venezuela se hizo en Nueva York y engañó a Google
Celui-ci ne requiert aucun discours. Il est. Peint en pour son ami Harry Torczyner. Magritte abonde en ce sens. Le plaisir serait ainsi double. Il fallait avant tout ne pas enchanter les Parisiens mais les scandaliser. Nous, on ne veut pas du politique, on ne veut plus. Les retira su parte de sombra para hacer del objeto un dato, a primera vista irrefutable. Con sus "cuadros-palabras", pone de relieve el nuevo estatuto del objeto. Matando la pintura con la pintura magnificada en una risotada convertida en color. Poco a poco, el artista se integra en el grupo animado por Breton. La serie de propuestas que entrega el pintor en ese texto proyecta una luz sobre las obras de la serie de los "cuadros alfabetos", iniciada en aquel momento.
Esto no significa que el lenguaje sea opaco y que impida toda posible equivalencia. Tal vez muera por ello, se enfrenta usted a un peligro cuya naturaleza no conoce [ Ver es un acto; el ojo ve igual que la mano toma. La sombra habitada se hace menos transparente. Ha llegado la hora, el segundo decisivo. Lo maravilloso toma cuerpo. Janis lleva al escenario a un Magritte cuyas investigaciones anticipan las del medio neoyorquino. La certeza no es del orden de la imagen, sino del objeto en su desnudez cotidiana. Es posible obtener una imagen nueva que resista al examen por lo que hay en ella de definitivo, de justo.
Es la imagen que muestra un huevo en una jaula.
El procedimiento de Magritte consiste desde ese momento en obliterar ese "regreso al orden". Magritte abunda en el mismo sentido. De ese destello que desgarra el horizonte aceptado para permitir que trasluzca otra verdad. Esencial y evidente, aunque insospechada. Lo esencial se encuentra en la idea que anima la imagen y reinventa lo real permanentemente.
Magritte va a participar en las reuniones del grupo. Fiel a sus ideales de libertad, no piensa que pueda haber contacto entre el surrealismo y el comunismo. Para Magritte, el "surrealismo a plena luz" pretende reconquistar un valor olvidado por demasiado tiempo por el surrealismo: el placer. En la actualidad, para tener una eficacia, debemos oponernos al pesimismo de la conciencia social".
Placer por otra parte largamente diferido. Magritte tiene golpes que devolver.. Las obras, en las que participan los amigos, son inseparables del texto de Scutenaire. Da miedo. Cierto como la vida misma y me consta. Lo que la gente no sabe es que hay un cambio de USD "oficial" y el del mercado negro, que es multiplicado por 30 o por 50, una salvajada. Espero que cambien a los locos que manejan el pais y Venezuela vuelva a ser lo que fue.
Viba Benezuela y sus 40 muertos diarios! Viba el Hambre y la pobreza! Viba Podemos! Religious intolerance started — according to Castelar — in the 14th Century. This was the atmosphere in the Middle Ages. The intolerance, according to Castelar, started in the 14 th century. He even dared accuse the famous Saint Vicente Ferrer of having provoked the pogrom that caused the death of some Jews in Toledo.
Castelar explicity links the Church, as well as its saints, to intolerance from the 15 th century on. Here again there is a link found between the expulsion of the Jews, religious intolerance and Spanish identity. In his words:. We have no industry because we expelled the Jews who taught Alfonso X to read, who dictated with him and the Arabs the Tablas alfonsinas, the greatest monument of the Middle Ages. The economic and technological retraso backwardness of Spain because of the expulsion of Jews and Moriscos is another recurrent aspect of this idea.
Tolerance of the Jews meant religious tolerance. The reactions of conservative Catholics to his discourse also reflect the basic ideas of traditional anti-Semitism in 19 th and 20 th century Spain. Vicente Manterola, a priest from the Basque Country, was charged with answering Castelar on the question of religious freedom.
The cause of the pogroms was the fatal combination of Jewish conduct and Spanish character. Manterola also argued that the Jews, contrary to what Castelar thought, had made little contribution to industry or art:. Where is the Architecture of the Jews today, the sciences and the schools of the Jews? Apart from some knowledge in Chemistry they learned from the Arabs, Jewels Diges and the small industry of slipper babuchas , I do not know what the Jews Know. They have money! Money they should use to rebuild their temple in Jerusalem Echoes of this debate will continue after the promulgation of the Constitution of He stated that although religious freedom was recognized, no synagogue or Protestant church has been built.
From Castelar on, freedom of religion and the Jewish question went hand in hand together.
This single phrase clearly reveals the parallels drawn between medieval tolerance and liberalism and religious intolerance and the position of the conservatives. The debate over this article in the Cortes Constituyentes was agitated and ended in a relative victory for Castelar and his liberal and republican colleagues. If some Spaniards profess a different religion, the previous paragraph is applicable to them. This famous debate shows that by a particular trend in the Spanish political elites had begun. Liberals and republicans drew parallels between liberalism and medieval Spain and between intolerant conservatives and the Catholic Monarchs and the Inquisition.
Defending tolerance and freedom and a tolerant Spanish Nation meant referring to an idealized convivencia of the three religions in medieval Spain and also praising the Spanish Jews as part of their political project against conservative Catholics, who were compared to the officers of the Inquisition.
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This romantic approach to the Middle Ages influenced political discourse and the historiographical reconstruction of the Spanish past. The myth of religious tolerance and the Sephardim was used to build an alternative national identity distinct from the one defended by the Catholic Church and the conservatives. Catholic conservatives defended the role played historically by the Catholic Church and the Inquisition. It defended the glory of the Spanish Empire created by the Catholic Monarchs the very same year of the expulsion of the Jews. It cultivated traditional anti-Semitism but also received and reproduced the ideas of French anti-Semitism growing those years on the other side of the Pyrenees.
In , the First Republic was declared, and a constitutional project entered discussion in the National Assembly. No references to Jews or convivencia are to be found in the Diario de sesiones, probably because the republicans in favor of absolute separation of Church and State were then in power. The constitutional project recognized absolute freedom of religion and banned public finance of any religion. This regime repressed the republican and left wing movements which had given birth to the Revolution and the First Republic.
This meant exile for many radical republicans, federalists and other progressive movements, who took their philo-Semitism and sharp critiques against the Catholic Church with them. Conservative Catholicism survived the instauration of the Catholic conservative regime. And, naturally, the references to the coexistence of the three religions, to religious tolerance and the Sephardim changed.
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During the discussion of the Constitution of , references were still made to convivencia and to the Jewish presence during Middle Age, however in my opinion their mention was due to the influence of the debates. In , the ranks of the conservative Catholics opposing religious freedom clearly held hegemonic control over the discourse. The nation obliges itself to finance the cult and its ministries. Nobody shall be disturbed for his religious opinion or for the exercise of its cult, with the exception of due respect to Christian morals.
Public ceremonies and manifestations of religions other than that of the State, however, will not be allowed. This article eliminated religious freedom. Only Catholics could freely and openly practice their religion. Yet the political landscape, especially for the repression of liberals and republicans, was different from that of The discussion of Article 11 of the Constitution did yield, however, discussions where references to the Jews and to convivencia surfaced. The debate was over religious tolerance and religious unity. Present were supporters of religious unity and also supporters of religious freedom.
And in all cases references to history were made during the debate. Interestingly, in the liberals were defining a national project involving the reinvention of convivencia, tolerance and freedom in the Middle Ages. In the conservatives were also projecting their vision of the Nation by inventing the medieval origins of linguistic, territorial and religious unity to generate the idea of Hispanidad.
He criticized the Inquisition and the expulsion of Jews and Moriscos as an anti-Catholic decision. Castelar also intervened in the discussions, but of course his was no longer the dominant position, as it had been in , but rather was a minority view. During the debate, however, the supporters of religious unity were adamant: only one legal religion. The conservative and monarchist Duke of Almenara Alta gave a long speech explaining the history of Spanish religious unity to support his position, a ban of all other religions.
The Duke of Almenara was, of course, against religious tolerance, even in the way formulated in Article The political landscape had changed. Now the supporters of religious freedom were on the defensive. The conservative monarchists supporting a State religion and religious tolerance were in power. References to the Middle Ages were present.
There were also, however, references to the conquest of America and to religious unity as essential to the Spanish Nation. Interestingly, was considered less as the year of the expulsion of the Jews than as the beginning of the Spanish Empire. This was the start of the idea of Hispanidad based on religious, linguistic and territorial unity.
The institutional architecture of the Restoration, the one designed in the Constitution, was both authoritarian and based on a systematically corrupted electoral system that gave no voice to the social and political movements and great power to the army and the Catholic Church. During the Restoration, historiographical and political discourses praising the Reconquista, religious unity and the Spanish empire would become hegemonic. In this political and legal context, an important transformation began; the industrialization and globalization of the Spanish economy intensified.
At the end of 19th century, the Spanish economy was undergoing a process of industrialization and internationalization. Spain was not completely isolated from Europe and was interested, especially after , in international politics in Africa and the Ottoman Empire. These circumstances influenced in the intellectual constructions about Judaism and the Sephardic Jew and about religious coexistence in the Middle Ages.
The opening and modernizing of the Spanish economy attracted some foreign families to Catholic Spain. Some Protestant and also some Jewish families settled there, particularly Barcelona and Madrid. The legalization of civil marriage for non-Catholics in , during the revolutionary years, facilitated the lives of Jews and also Protestants and Muslims in Spain. Yet other aspects of Jewish life remained a challenge for Spanish Law. The colonization of Morocco played an important role in the perception of the Jews in Spain.
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Just before and after the loss of Cuba and Puerto Rico in , the Spanish Crown increased its presence in Morocco, establishing a Spanish Protectorate in This area of the Maghreb had been inhabited by Sephardic communities continuously since the 15th Century and those communities still spoke Spanish. At the same time Spain, no differently than many other Central and Western European powers, was interested in the political and economic developments of the Ottoman Empire, which also had a strong Sephardic presence.
As did other countries, Spain had economic and geo-strategical interests in that part of the world. The pogroms that took place there in generated sympathy in other parts of Europe for the Jews. This discourse praised the Sephardic Jews, condemned the expulsion and promoted a political approach by the Spanish authorities to the Sephardic communities living abroad, especially in Morocco and the Ottoman Empire. This discourse, as all intellectual constructions, created a Sephardic identity which did not always match the plural reality of Sephardic communities in Europe and northern Africa.
In many cases they were romanticized ideals. Filosefardismo praised the culture, tradition and use of the Spanish language of the Sephardim without mentioning religion. Indeed, filosefardismo was even compatible with anti-Semitism. Some authors actually based their philo-Sephardism on anti-Semitic prejudices: they considered the Sephardim as cosmopolitan, wealthy businessmen, members of a vast network of interests and resources.
It is interesting to observe that in much of the discourse the Spanish identity of Sephardic Jews in Morocco or in the Balkans is underscored while, at the same time, their Jewishness is somehow absent or at most secondary. That is why filosefardismo was more interested in traditions or language than in religion. Filosefardismo was not hegemonic. As mentioned, filosefardismo was compatible with anti-Semitism. The proposals of these intellectuals were to approach to the Sephardic Jews in the Balkans and, especially, in Morocco, where the Sephardim were in favor of Spanish presence and colonization.
However, very often the same intellectuals referred negatively to the possibility of Jewish migration to Spain. Instead, as touched on earlier, the intellectual construction focused on cultural and linguistic aspects. This discourse, however, was also influenced by European racialism: race impregnated all intellectual debates on politics, economy and law. Of course filosefardismo was no exception. Pulido projects the positive stereotypes of Castilians nobility, chivalry 82 to the Sephardim and contrasts it with the decadence of the Ashkenazy.
When comes this difference? The freedom the Jews enjoyed in the Iberian Peninsula was unique in Europe as there was no other place where Jews could live in peace. Convivencia and its Golden Age the 12th and 13th centuries appear again as something having defined the identity of the members of the Spanish Nation inside and beyond its borders.
Angel Pulido, The Sephardim superiority over the Ashkenazim was not an invention for Pulido. Even many German Jews gave credence to these differences between Sephardic and Ashkenazy. Actually, according to authors such as Mark R. This racialist approach, perhaps a consequence of scientific positivism and Darwinism, explains the paradox of anti-Semitic Philo-Sephardism.
In some cases, and Pulido is not an exception, filosefardismo contained a certain degree of islamophobia. Historians agree that the interest in the Sephardim came before the interest for Muslims living in Spain and the Moriscos Muslims who converted to Christianity and remained in Spain. As already explained, in his book he referred to Jews as murderers of God and murderers of children in rituals. In them his position becomes more philo-Semitic. This ambivalence between philo-Sephardism and traditional anti-Semitism is also present in another author from the previous period, Adolfo de Castro y Rossi, introduced in the earlier section on the s.
In his speech in favor of freedom and tolerance in he pejoratively described the Sephardic race, accusing them of not being a hard-working people This is understandable since neither the Jewish question nor the discourse over Sephardic Jews was considered neutral. We descend from Cristianos Viejos [not descendants from converted Jews or Muslims] and we hope our children will practice the religion of Jesus Christ, in which they have been educated.
Filosefardismo was a discursive instrument created and developed under particular circumstances that played specific functions in liberal projects. The reconstruction of a past, peaceful convivencia also performed a political function of legitimizing liberalism and attacking reactionary forces. All political and intellectual debates were influenced by filosefardismo.
Filosefardismo was an intellectual construction containing an ideology and a vision of Spain and the world. For the liberals it was an instrument of nation-building. Spain, a young nation-state in search of its national identity, like the other nations in Europe, reinterpreted its past. The Middle Ages were supposedly a time when the minorities of the different kingdoms and cities enjoyed freedom and tolerance. Such discourse helped construct a national liberal discourse and delegitimize the ideas of the Catholic right, especially that of the Catholic and traditional Carlists, who were presented as the heirs of the Spanish intolerance represented by the Inquisition.
As we saw, this was not a new phenomenon; in the Parliament of the liberals and republicans defended convivencia and criticized the Catholic Monarchs and the expulsion of the Jews. We observed this use of the past in the analysis of the discourse over religious freedom in and In the era of late 19th century colonialism, right before and after the loss of Cuba and Puerto Rico, Spain was forced to redefine its foreign and colonial policy.
Spain tried to take part in the colonization of Africa but at the Congress in Berlin it was only recognized as sovereign power over a small piece of land in what today is Equatorial Guinea. Spain had intervened in the Sultanate of Morocco in This country possessed great geostrategic and economic potential and was the object of conflicts between different powers who wished to occupy it. Spain had possessed the enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla for centuries, which were very much integrated into the economy of that region. Convivencia played a very important role in legitimizing the presence of Spain in Morocco.
One of the arguments of the pro-colonial lobby was presenting Spain as the country best prepared to occupy Islamic countries for historical reasons: because Spain had much past experience in managing different cultures. Spain did not participate in the formation of the imperialist ideology in the second half of the 19th century.
It still had some of its old colonies, vestiges of the great Catholic Empire, in Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines. When these territories were lost the imperialist adventure in Europe was already well underway. The Berlin conference had taken place 15 years earlier, leaving Spain with only a small bit of sub-Saharan Africa. Spain had influence in Morocco, of course, but no imperialist discourse or structure.